Info For You Lot Bassari (Aliyan) People: The Traditionalist Senegambian People Amongst Unique Ancient Culture
The Bassari (A-liyan, Boin, Tenda Boeni) people are agro-pastoral Senegambian Tenda-speaking people of larger Niger-Congo linguistic communication theater unit of measurement living inwards West African countries of Senegal, Guinea, Republic of Guinea Bissau too the Gambia.
Bassari tribe initiates,Kedougou, Senegal
The Bassari people telephone telephone themselves "Alian (a-liyan)," a someone from Bassari tribe is called "bulian (bi-layan)," too refer to their linguistic communication every bit "o-niyan." The designation “Bassari” seems to hold out of Manding origin. Ferry
(99: 4), citing Tauxier, presented the next etymological tradition for this word. After arriving inwards the region, the Fula people asked the Manding who the alian were. The manding answered inwards their language, “They are lizards [basa].”
Bassari people,Senegal
Currently the Tenda-speaking Bassari`s population is estimated to hold out virtually 38,000 with 16,000 people living inwards Senegal, 15,500 inwards Guinea, 500 inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau too some pocket-size numbers scattered inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Location
The Bassari people of Senegal are located inwards Southeast, Upper Casamance, Eden area; border areas, Kedougou, Tambacounda (Source: Ethnologue 2010).
In senegal, the territory inhabited yesteryear the Bassari is administratively classified every bit the Région de Tambacounda, Département de Kédougou, Arrondissement de Salémata.
Bassari settlement,Kédougou,Senegal
Since the belatedly 1950s, the Bassari take hold been migrating to large cities inwards Senegal, including Kédougou too Tambacounda. Some Bassari people take hold lived inwards these cities for a long time.
In Guinea, they are located inwards the Koundara part too simply about Youkounkoun, extending to the border of Senegal. Bassari inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau are generally located inwards the northeast of the the world whilst some aggregate portion also resides inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Language
Bassari people speaks a Tenda linguistic communication known every bit Oniyan (Onian, Onëyan, Ayan, Biyan, Wo). It is a Senegambian linguistic communication which belongs to the larger Niger-Congo linguistic communication group. Bassari is spoken inwards Senegal, Guinea, Republic of Guinea Bissau too inwards some parts of the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Examples:
Oniyan English
faba “father”
numa “mother”
ashinyuun “my son”
abionun “my daughter”
abaie “my sibling”,
History
The Bassari arrived inwards their expanse of line of piece of job betwixt the 11th too 19th centuries, establishing their settlements inwards the hills. Judging from their call "basa" which agency "They are lizards," given to them yesteryear Manding people inwards an reply to Fulani peoples` query, 1 tin clearly brand a deduction that the Bassari came to run across these ii tribes every bit good every bit other Tenda people.
Bassari people,Senegal. Circa 1960
Oral history with Bassari claim that the Bunang are considered the oldest nung (family). People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers.
The bassari settlements on the hills provided defensible vantage points overlooking the plains below, too were made upwards of groups of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. The expanse remains remote too many of the cultural adaptations of the people, including their agro-pastoral, social, ritual, too spiritual practices, persist to this day.
Economy
Bassari are cultivators! They are agro-pastoralist. they are farmers. They grow a variety of crops, using rattling basic tools. Their staple crops are millets degaf (Sorghum vulgare), earthpeas (also called Bambara groundnut) uyal (Voandzeia subterranea), peanuts utika (Arachis hypogaea), corn maka (Zea maïs), rice malu (Oryza sativa), fonio millet funyan (Digitaria exilis) too manioc.
However, squash, melons, sweetness potatoes, peppers, too tomatoes are also grown. Major tree crops include bananas, coconuts, mangoes, too papayas. They heighten cattle, sheep, too goats but do non usage their milk.
Dogs too chickens are seen inwards almost every village. They also engage inwards fishing, hunting, too beekeeping, amidst other activities. Hunting is of less importance than agriculture, but at that spot is considerable gathering of wild fruits too roots, berries, too nuts (kola, shea, too palm).
Socio-political construction too culture
They alive inwards extended theater unit of measurement compounds, each consisting of a cluster of huts commonly arranged inwards a circle simply about an opened upwards space. Often, the entire chemical compound is surrounded yesteryear a fence, a hedge, or a wall.
The compounds commonly adjoin to shape compact villages. In general, the dwellings are circular with mud walls too cone-shaped, thatched roofs. However, many local variations exist.
Bassari women initiates
In the community men hunt, fish, clear the land, too tend the cattle. The women do the gathering too assist inwards the agricultural work. Chiefs exercise political potency inwards the villages. Succession commonly passes to the side yesteryear side blood brother or to the oldest boy of the deceased chief's oldest sister.
Circumcision of males is practiced too some woman someone circumcision is also continued. These practices are mainly associated with initiation ceremonies at puberty, too typically involve a catamenia of instruction inwards an isolated "bush school."
They tolerate premarital sexual liberty for girls too prefer cousins every bit spousal human relationship partners. H5N1 bride-price inwards livestock, commonly pigs, is paid, too often, premarital bride-service is also required. Polygyny (having to a greater extent than than 1 wife) occurs to solely a limited extent. In such cases, however, each married adult woman has her ain hut, too the hubby spends a fixed catamenia with each on a rotation basis.
DESCENT GROUPS AND The AGE-GRADE SYSTEM AMONG BASSARI PEOPLE
Descent groups
Bassari guild is matrilineal, too ii words inwards the Bassari linguistic communication interpret to “matrilineal descent group”: "nung" too "athiran." In Bassari the word nung derives from a word pregnant “stem of a busy yam” (Dioscorea praehensilis). According Bassari people, the morphology of the busy yam, which has solely 1 root but many leaves, resembles a nung. The word athiran derives from a word pregnant “belly.”
Nung.
Although at that spot may hold out some regional variation, 7 nungs be inwards Senegalese Bassari villages: Benjya, Bouban, Bijyar, Bunang, Bangar, Bies, too Biyahanthi. People are automatically affiliated with their mother’s nung after birth, too members of each nung alive separately inside the Bassari villages. H5N1 nung is non an exogamic group. As a group, a nung does non possess whatsoever property, such every bit land, but some nungs do play a specific role inwards society. In edane, the hamlet principal is selected from the Bijyar men. Onuma, who are
responsible for age-grade activities, are selected from the Bunang men, piece the leader of the initiation guild is selected from Buban men.
The Bunang are special amidst the nungs. Although historical evidence is lacking,the Bunang are considered the oldest nung. People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers. Non-Bunang people are unwilling to wed a Bunang. People also tell that speaking evil of, or initiating a struggle with, Bunang people is uncommon. Note that solely the Bunang nung
take hold these characteristics, non the other nungs. inwards other words, the Bunang are unique amidst the nungs. Differentiating the other nungs is to a greater extent than hard because their differences are non so clear. For example, the Bies too the Buban seem different solely inwards name.
Bassari initiates,Guinea
Athiran
Athiran literally agency “belly”. different nungs, athirans are exogamic groups. Proper names do non be for specific athirans. when asked to seat the members of his athiran, 1 homo recounted solely the names of his mother’s children.
Then asked if his mother’s sister’s children are inwards his athiran, he said yes. when asked if his mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s children are members of his athiran, he responded, “well, they are non members of my athiran. Athiran are people who were born from the same belly. so my mother’s sister’s children are non the members of my athiran, either.” click hither for a table:normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
Age-grade system
In Bassari society, men too women who are considered mature plenty affiliate with an age-grade (anjex) too have roles, duties, too prerogatives associated with that age-grade. some age-grades engage inwards diverse types of communal labor, which helps those who demand assistance, too the laborers afterward have payment inwards sorghum beer or honey-based alcohol. The age-grade members portion the imbibe with other villagers. Both the labor too the imbibe are called atonbanyawon.
Bassari initiate fights to justify their manhood
The relationships of some age-grades are conceptualized yesteryear kin terms (Table 1 identifies manful someone too woman someone age-grades). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are called faba (father). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are called ashinyuun (my son). Women affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are numa (mother), too those inwards the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are abionun (my daughter). people ii grades higher upwards or below are syatya (. As inwards kin relations, faba strictly supervise ashinyuun too volition punish ashinyuun for committing errors. Numa are less strict than faba, but abionun are expected to honour numa. Syatya relationships are to a greater extent than friendly, indulgent, too at ease. Like existent syatya, they tin joke with each other.
Bassari woman
Other terms also stand upwards for the relationships of age-grades. Two people affiliated with the same degree telephone telephone 1 some other banjex. This appellation applies fifty-fifty betwixt men too women. people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth telephone telephone each other initya. Two persons who slept on the same bed inwards the communal hut [ambofor] during their initiation catamenia telephone telephone each other ingawon. Men telephone telephone women affiliated to the age-grade instantly higher upwards their age-grade inbanira too vise versa. on many occasions, they trip the lite fantastic together.
Age-grade relationships are superposed on kin relations. For example, all women who affiliate to one’s mother’s age-grade are called numa, too the children of someone who affiliates to the age-grade instantly below are called syatya.
Bassari initiates
Table 1. Age-grades
Male age-grade Female age-grade
buhark (sing: ahark)
odepeka (sing:endepeka)
buhark (sing:ahark) odoir (sing: endoir)
okotok (sing:ekotok) odosebkebatya (sing:endsebkebatya)
opidor (sing:epidor) odebatya (sing:endebatya)
ojyar (sing:enjyar) odojyar (sing:endjyar)
odug (sing:lug) ododug (sing:endodug)
odumuta (sing:lumuta)
odinguta (sing:ringuta)
A. Odinguta too Odumuta
H5N1 boy’s kickoff age-grade is odinguta. when he is considered mature enough, the boy’s elderberry neighborhood friends invite him to pass the nighttime at the communal hut. gessain wrote that this happens when the man child is virtually 8 years old (gessain, 97). The odinguta man child is too so slapped on his dorsum 4 times with the palm of a hand. he is also circumcised during the odinguta. After circumcision he enters the odumuta age-grade. To hold out odumuta, his dorsum has to hold out slapped yesteryear an odumuta man child twice with the palm of a manus too whipped ii or to a greater extent than times with a tree branch.
The boys of this age-grade perform a trip the lite fantastic called the odumuta inwards the dry out flavor (Figs. 4 & 5). The nighttime before the egub – 1 of the communal labors inwards which 1 villager engages the laborers to harvest millet inwards central for imbibe given instantly after the piece of job – the odumuta boys facilitate the harvest yesteryear pushing downwards the millet stems. The audio of their flutes, known every bit atywloti, tin hold out heard the nighttime before the egub. Although these activities are non considered atonbanyawon, the odumuta must sometimes perform atonbanyawon labor.
After initiation, the age-grade scheme becomes of import for defining private acts. Clearly, at that spot are some hierarchical differences betwixt odumta too odinguta, but their members are classified every bit non-initiated boys(7) who do non take hold much work. After ii or 3 years every bit odumuta, the boys undergo an initiation ceremony too acquire adults. To undergo initiation, a man child must hold out considered mature enough, too and so his parents must prepare for his initiation. fifty-fifty if a manful someone bring upwards thinks that his boy is non mature plenty or that he cannot afford to prepare for the initiation ceremony, his boy or his married adult woman volition oft forcefulness him to take hold the boy undergo the initiation ceremony. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, the boy may take hold to sentry someone acquire circumcised the same hateful solar daytime every bit him, or fifty-fifty after him, inwards monastic tell to undergo initiation.
The woman bring upwards oft takes compassion on her boy too asks his manful someone bring upwards to prepare for the initiation. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, a boy may seek assist from his ayuun or someone else of his “lineage”. About 10 days before the initiation ceremony, those who volition hold out initiated get down to alive at the location of the initiation ceremony [angol]. 1 year, an odumuta man child told me that he would non undergo initiation. i recounted the story to the boy’s elderberry brother, who explained to me that, “even if yous want to undergo initiation, too fifty-fifty if yous know that this twelvemonth yous volition hold out initiated, when asked, yous may reply negatively. yous experience shy [asyuxun] if someone thinks that yous hurry to undergo initiation.” yet, inwards reality, boys are inwards a hurry to hold out initiated. (An elderly homo blamed this rush yesteryear boys too their mothers on the declining difficulty of the initiation, maxim that the novel initiates are beaten less than before.) 1 man child wrote a missive of the alphabet to his parents who were living inwards Tambacounda at the fourth dimension too asked me to give it to them. inwards the letter, he expressed a strong want to hold out initiated too defendant his parents of inaction. They were aware of his wish, he said. some boys are so determined that they deal to undergo initiation without parental permission. After the initiation, the newly minted men acquire into the odug grade. Although the timing of initiation is said to depend on private maturity, the relationships amidst individuals before initiation are also of import factors.
In Edane too most other villages, people alter their degree every 6 years. This alter is marked yesteryear ekapa, inwards which opalug men are hitting yesteryear ojyar men ii times with a whip made from a branch of an angwara (unidentified) tree. The latest alter of degree occurred inwards october 2003. inwards egun village, however, people alter their degree every 24 years, starting from the tertiary degree after initiation to the fourth. so people belong to the tertiary degree of 6, 2, 8, 24 years, depending on the individual.(0) when i visited egun, almost all of the
men i met belonged to the tertiary degree after initiation [ojyar]. initiation takes seat almost every 2 years, too people alter grades every 6 years. without other rules, this procedure powerfulness drive problems. someone powerfulness solely hold out an odug twelvemonth before moving upwards a grade. To avoid this, someone initiated after the eiyuk trip the lite fantastic of the opalug degree – which occurs on the 5th twelvemonth of a 6-year interval – volition hold out an “initiated odumuta” [odumuta onithinithi] until people alter age-grades, instead of entering the odug degree instantly after initiation. Thus, boys initiated inwards 2002 were odumuta onithinithi until the hateful solar daytime of age-grade alter inwards 2003. when everyone moved upwards a grade, they entered the odug grade.
Clearly, non all people who belong to the same age-grade undergo initiation together. There are ii or 3 “groups of initiation” per age-grade. except for the fact that people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth tin telephone telephone 1 some other “initya”, no divergence exists betwixt members of an age-grade. There is no proper request people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth – who may hold out called an “age-set”. The full general term to refer to a grouping that has undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth is anutya. however, this word
implies “initiated boys who take hold non yet formally entered the odug grade.” This grouping retains no significance after odug.
As mentioned above, odinguta too odumuta take hold few roles, duties, or prerogatives before initiation. initiation makes a man child a man. having entered the oduggrade, a homo is given several roles too must perform many atywuin. Villagers who beak French interpret this word every bit “coutume” (meaning “custom” inwards English). Nolan (1986: 28) defined atywuin every bit “a complex wheel of obligatory rituals, ordeals too communal labor tasks”. According to an informant of gessain (97: 6), atywuin is “all things that 1 is obliged to do from childhood to old historic catamenia too that the old take hold done before yous for a long time.” 1 someone i spoke with described it every bit “something that makes yous tired”. Here, the word is defined every bit “the things that people must do because they belong to an age-grade.” hereafter, I usage coutume to hateful atywuin. neither circumcision nor initiation is classified every bit coutume because the accomplishment of these events depends on the maturity of the individual. Basically coutume involve atonbanyawon (communal work). For example, when an age-grade trip the lite fantastic is performed, the imbibe obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon is shared.
Table 2 lists the coutume of each age-grade. The next department identifies the age-grade characteristics.
Table 2 coutume of each historic catamenia group
Male age-grade female age-grade
Odug odoodug
1) rhanokathie
2) opinbi
3) watruxunume
opalug odoopalug
1) ohamana
2) owda ; at that spot are ii types
a. owdaola too banuma
b. owdaola too othengushe
3) lid
4) bundjyar
5) shyahis
6) banin
7) eiyuk
8) banin
9) nywkrend
10) bingar
11) ipesyan
12) ekapa
13) ekosyu
ojyar odojyar
1)odubutya
okotok odebatya
1) banbar 1) indanin 2) andebar
3) angain
4) osapar
5) anewa
opidor odosebkebatya
cypher special 1) eiyuk
buhark odoir
nothing special cypher special
odepeka
1) ohamana
buhark
nothing special
B. Odug
1 of the most obvious changes after entering the odug degree is the way of greetings, which changes from unproblematic to complex. Odug are permitted to take hold sexual relations with women, too inwards the rainy flavor odug tin accept component inwards ofna or communal labor. Odinguta or odumuta are non allowed to participate inwards this sort of communal labor inwards which villagers needing assist invite the communal laborers to piece of job for them inwards central for drink. Odug are also permitted to acquire axore too to dance, attaching leaves of a palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer) to whatsoever component of their body. Axore is a sort of Bassari mask that French-speaking Bassari refer to every bit “type-contraire” (contrary person).
In Bassari society, some verbal expressions tin hold out used solely yesteryear initiated men. Odug, for example, tin usage an human face “yathingiri (serious)” or a call named etar (see Table 3). Furthermore, odug must assist with agricultural labor for the hamlet chief. This labor is called apunan, too the principal does non demand to furnish drink. Odug men performing axore piece of job on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. Because axore workers are considered the children of the hamlet chief, odug who piece of job every bit axore tin consume anything inwards the chief’s acre on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. During the apunan inwards october 2003, the axore ate so much corn that the chief’s married adult woman became angry too yelled at them. This apunan does non seem to count every bit coutume. when i asked an elderly homo what coutume he did every bit an odug, he answered, patently forgetting the skilful bargain of coutume he did, that “if atonbanyawon of rhanokathie (see Table 2) has passed, [there is] solely atonbanywon of apunan. it is non coutume. it is something to enjoy.” “People take hold to do apunan for a hamlet principal who has done a lot of things for his village. people do non take hold to do apunan for a principal who has non done anything, similar the electrical current edane chief.” The apunanmentioned higher upwards was deliberately planned to coincide with the chief’s corn beingness well-ripened too ready to eat. In this case, the apunan was non considered coutume.
Every twelvemonth after the harvest, inwards Dec or January, the Bassari concur the ofelar festival. Ofelar literally translates every bit “say each other”, which to the Bassari agency “say goodbye to each other”. The ofelar festival also does non seem to hold out considered coutume too thence carries no obligation. But it is organized yesteryear odug, who portion the atonbanyawon work.
The odug degree must achieve the next coutume:
(1) rhanokathie
This coutume involves the annunciation that the degree is “forming a novel grade”, giving imbibe to the elders [buhark], too vi atonbanyawon.
(2) opinbi
This is the call of 1 of the odug dances, too the solely occasion inwards Bassari guild inwards which the xylophone is played (see Table 4). The opinbi trip the lite fantastic has non been performed inwards etyolo or ekes for a long time. Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted to obtain imbibe that volition hold out distributed on the trip the lite fantastic day.
(3) watraxunume
Odug piece of job to acquire drinks to give to opalug who take hold completed their shyahis (the “clearing”; watch below). Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted.
C. Opalug
Those entering the opalug degree are allowed to attach a bell [ohamana] to their body. During the kickoff month, opalug take hold to habiliment a belt made of palmyra palm leaves too the ohamana bell when they go out their homes. Like odug, they tin acquire axore too trip the lite fantastic with masks. But they tin trip the lite fantastic solely at the festival organized at the chief’s home. They cannot trip the lite fantastic when festivals are organized inwards other places. inwards 2000, villagers organized a festival to accolade me, but they planned to concur it at my host’s house. Thus, the opalug did non take hold the correct to dance. An opalug proposed that dancing to music from a cassette deck could accept seat slightly apart from the festival location. That is, my festival could hold out held inwards ii separate locations. But this proposal was non approved yesteryear elders, who maintained that opalug tin solely trip the lite fantastic at the chief’s home.
At the initiation ceremony, opalug trip the lite fantastic the okerehe from the minute hateful solar daytime to the finally hateful solar daytime (Fig. 6 & Table 4).
During the finally 2 years of opalug, ingesting dear is prohibited from september to December. The Bassari believe that an opalug volition boot the bucket if he does non uncovering this prohibition. Then 1 hateful solar daytime inwards December, opalug men accept imbibe to the seat of the eldest homo inwards the village.(5) inwards his yard, a makeshift chair made of bamboo is erected, too every opalug sits on it. The eldest homo drinks H2O with dear before squirting it inwards the human face of the opalug men too making them imbibe it. The dear prohibition is thence removed. Then, the imbibe brought
yesteryear the opalug is shared yesteryear those inwards attendance. This procedure is called ambisya.
Bassari woman someone initiates
Table 4
Dance age-grade accorded
odumuta odumuta
opinbi odug
okerehe opalug
atyumura ojyar/odebatya
epeka odepeka
Bassari men preparing for initiation
Opalug must achieve the follows coutume:
(1) ohamana
To obtain permission to attach the ohamana (bell) to the body, opalug perform vi atonbanyawon.
(2) owda
There are ii kinds of owda:
(a) owdaola or banuma
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to the onuma. (who are reponsible for age-grade activities)
(b) owdaola or othengushe
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to each fellow member of the buhark grade.
(3) lid
Six atonbanyawon are conducted each twelvemonth for 2 years. The imbibe obtained is taken to the seat where the initiation ceremony is held [angol] too given to the elders. Opalug do non take hold the correct to imbibe this alcohol.
(4) bundojyar
Atonbanyawon is conducted to obtain drinks for distribution during the ojyar dance.
(5) shyahis
This refers to “clearing”. Opalug inwards edane, ekes, too etyolo go to a clearing located inwards engisara to dance. As mentioned above, the odug must do the watraxunume coutume after the shyahis. if they want to, odug men tin make opalug degree yesteryear participating inwards the shyahis. This is a sort of “grade-skipping”
However, no 1 inwards edane did this. 1 homo wanted to, but the opalug men refused. when asked for a reason, 1 opalug homo said, “he had non accomplished a lot of coutume”, piece some other said, “he was soundless a child.” In contrast, inwards etywunungol, virtually 45 km W of edane, i found that many boys
“grade-skipped” after participating inwards the shyahis.
(6) banin
As component of the shyahis, opalug go to Engisara playing flutes [atywloti] too bells called the banin. They perform atonbanyawon to pay the “usage charge” for this banin.
(7) eiyuk
Opalug inwards 4 villages (edane, ekes, eganga, too epenge) piece of job together during the year. They perform a trip the lite fantastic called the eiyuk on the hateful solar daytime the imbibe they obtained is distributed.
(8) banin
vi atonbanyawon are conducted to pay a “usage charge” for the banin bells used at the eiyuk dance.
(9) nywkrendAtonbanyawon is conducted too the imbibe received is distributed betwixt edane too ekes. on this day, they create upwards one's take heed when to concur bingar.
(10) bingar
The oplaug inwards edane too ekes perform atonbanyawon, kickoff at the homes of onuma (who are responsible for age-grade activities). The onuma do non need
to furnish imbibe inwards central for the opalug’s work. Then, they piece of job for someone needing assist for 2 or 4 days. when going to or from an atonbanyawon, they must avoid coming together whatsoever odug. if they meet, the opalug take hold to insult odug. When asked virtually the significance of this act, 1 opalug homo said, “we found it similar this [ako suk kumi]”, pregnant that this custom had already existed when he was born, too thence he did non know its significance. Ojyar trip the lite fantastic on the hateful solar daytime imbibe is distributed. Opalug go to a seat called the yare to written report the
trip the lite fantastic performed on the ekapa day. inwards the past, it appears that opalug used to hold out hitting with whips on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar.
D. Ojyar
For the ojyar, at that spot are no atonbanyowon defined yesteryear coutume. However, ojyar assume many roles, including washing too burying the dead, announcing information to the villagers, too distributing imbibe (Fig. 7). They also take hold the correct to perform the atywumura dance. They volition no longer acquire axore (contrary person) yesteryear attaching leaves of the palmyra palm at the chief’s home. instead, they assume novel tasks, such every bit taking attention of novel initiates every bit odubutya, some other sort of axore.
On the hateful solar daytime of ofna (communal labor), an ojyar tin participate inwards the distribution of imbibe fifty-fifty if he has done no piece of job during the day. Ojyar are expected to send a cup. when i was an ojyar too without a cup, i was gently teased: “why don’t yous take hold a loving cup fifty-fifty though yous are ojyar?!” Villagers explicate the loving cup carrying yesteryear maxim that ojyar are likewise old to imbibe the distributed beverages inwards 1 gulp. Taking a loving cup to the seat where the imbibe volition hold out shared used to hold out a perk allowed solely for ojyar too above, but at nowadays fifty-fifty odug too opalug accept a cup. moreover, ojyar are supposed to hold out married, too so they are allowed to convey a container (called akaons, or inwards French, bidon [flask]) to accept imbibe dorsum home.
E. Okotok
Okotok may derive from the verb axot, which agency “to finish”. That is, they take hold finished all of the coutume too take hold no atonbanyawon defined yesteryear coutume. But they take hold to human activity every bit banbar, a sort of axore, at the initiation ceremony.
F. Opidor
Except for assuming a role during imbibe distribution,(8) opidor take hold no special roles or duties.
G. Buhark
People who goal opidor tin hold out called anywparang (pl. enywparang) for the kickoff 6 years. But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt anywparang too the other buhark. After opidor, all men are collectively called buhark. They take hold finished all the tasks.
B’ Odoodug
Women also acquire into the age-grade system. when considered mature enough, a girl’s neighborhood friends invite her to top the nighttime at communal hut. she thence enters the odoodug grade. But for the kickoff component of the 6 years, the girls are non actual odoodug because they are solely children 3 to 4 years of age. Upon reaching 6 or 7 years old, they get down to slumber at the communal hut.
C’ Odoopalug
When the ekapa coutume, which marks the alter of age-grades, is performed, odoodug acquire odoopalug. etymologically, Odopalug powerfulness hateful “for opalug”, too the girls inwards this degree do atonbanyawon communal labor with their banjex (i.e., opalug boys). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 of the Bassari masks called the odinir too tin accept part inwards ofna (communal labor). And almost all girls undergo excision, ohathi, piece inwards this grade.
D’ Odojyar
There is no noticeable divergence betwixt odoopalug too odojyar. Although their banjex (ojyar men) are relieved from atonbanyawon, they assist with the atonbanyawon of the opalug. piece inwards this grade, some girls may take hold their kickoff child.
E’ Odebatya
Almost all women acquire married during this period. Odebatya women tin vocalize the ebatya call (see Table 3). Odebatya agency “for ebatya”; that is, “those who tin call ebatya.” During the minute year, the women undergo the indaninceremony inwards the rainy season. solely women know precisely what happens during this ceremony. Elderly women accept the participants to mbon for undercover activities, including activities with the women’s babies. This suggests that women are expected to bear children prior to participating inwards the indanin.
After the indanin, they tin pronounce the eiei too etyokan cries. These cries are used to “cheer masks up”. After indanin, they tin also trip the lite fantastic the atywumura trip the lite fantastic (see Table 4).
Odebatya must achieve the next coutume:
(1) indanin
The odebatya consummate 28 atonbanyawon to obtain drinks for the indanin ceremony. inwards etyolo, the indanin seems to hold out called the dyanelimo.
(2) andebar
The odebatya inwards edane too ekes perform the andebar, for which they do vi atonbanyawon inwards the kickoff year, 5 inwards the minute year, 4 inwards the tertiary year, too so on until finally atonbanyawon inwards the 6th year.
(3) angain
For the angain, the odepeka perform the epeka trip the lite fantastic for the kickoff time. Drink distributed on this hateful solar daytime is obtained yesteryear the odebatya’s atonbanyawon.
(4) osapar
This word may hateful “foot”. Odebatya give drinks obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon to the women who took them to mbon for the indanin.
F’ Odosebkebatya
This word may etymologically hateful “those who halt crying ebatya”. For the odosebkebatya, participants are allowed to trip the lite fantastic the eiyuk. however, inwards edane, the finally ii age-grades take hold non danced the eiyuk. This custom powerfulness hold out disappearing.
G’ Odoir
Women inwards this degree tin accept a container to ofna (communal labor).
H’ Odepeka
Like ojyar men, women inwards this degree assume many roles. They launder the bodies of dead women, denote information to villagers, too distribute drinks obtained yesteryear the atonbanyawon of woman someone age-grades, amidst other responsibilities.
If the odebatya consummate the indanin ceremony, the odepeka tin too so trip the lite fantastic the epeka dance. They are prohibited from speaking too grin when they are dancing the epeka (Fig. 8). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 Bassari mask called an olukuta.
The odepeka must achieve the ohamana coutume, described below.
(1) ohamana
The odepeka do vi atonbanyawon every bit a “usage charge” for the ohanana, which takes seat when they trip the lite fantastic the epeka.
I’ Buhark
After odepeka, women tin hold out called odosebpeka for 6 years. This term literally translates every bit “those who halt dancing epeka.” But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt them too other buhark. Buhark tin hold out translated every bit “the old” too refers to those who take hold finished all their tasks.
Whereas the names odoodug, odoopalug, too odojyar derive from the names of manful someone age-grades, the names given to the age-grade from the odebatya degree onward derive from the characteristics of each age-grade. Further, from the odebatya degree onward, at that spot are special coutume for woman someone age-grades. These factors suggest that women effectively acquire into the age-grade scheme from the odebatya grade.
Once again, circumcision, excision, kid birth, marriage, too initiation are non considered criteria for the coutume categories. These activities depend on the perceived bird of private maturity. Thus, these activities may take hold a different rootage from the age-grade scheme too may take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension than the age-grade system. Likewise, because the 6-year-interval scheme varies across regions, this scheme may also take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension from (perhaps after) the age-grade scheme itself.
Function of the Age-Grade System
when asked why the age-grade scheme exists, 1 opalug homo answered, “To honour each other.” he too so continued, “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others. As nosotros take hold the age-grade system, nosotros tin larn from the elders what to do for each coutume too how to live. The age-grade is something similar a school.” Hawthorne (998) called the age-grade scheme a “cross-cutting institution” too noted that the age-grade scheme links people across the divides of descent groups. This “cross-cutting” explanation seems to mesh with that explanation yesteryear the opalug homo (i.e., “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others”).
Bassari iniates dancers
The age-grade scheme indeed does seem to link people across the divides of descent groups. H5N1 give-and-take I observed inwards october 2003 inwards edane highlights the functions of the age-grade system. This give-and-take took seat amidst members of the ojyar degree on the hateful solar daytime of distribution of the atonbanyawon imbibe obtained through opalug work. The imbibe was obtained for the bingar (see Table 2).
Case I
Villagers tell that on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar every bit good every bit the ekapa, ojyarmen used to whip opalug men, but at nowadays they take hold changed the system. now, instead of whipping opalug men, the ojyar forcefulness them to do atonbanyawon piece of job to acquire too distribute drink. They told the opalug to do 8 atonbanyawon – that is, to acquire 8 pots of drink. The opalugbrought 8 pots to the seat where the imbibe would hold out distributed, but
the size of the pots was smaller than expected. when the electrical current ojyarwere opalug, those enlisting the assist of the opalug degree had to compensate them with imbibe inwards a medium-sized pot called a bandobeti (goat’s).
But since the electrical current opalug entered this grade, people take hold to give imbibe inwards a large pot called a bandohei (cow’s). To obtain imbibe for this binger,some opalug men had to prepare the imbibe themselves. They brought the imbibe inwards goat’s pots, which prompted criticism. The opalug men defended themselves, maxim that Gafita, 1 of the ojyar, told them to prepare the imbibe inwards goat’spots. The ojyar give-and-take consequently focused on what precisely Gafita told them to do. The give-and-take started when Gafita was asked to explicate what he had done. Gafita responded “I haven’t done anything” too started to explicate precisely what happened. 1 day, gajyopa, who was inwards the opalug grade, spent the nighttime at the hut of Gafita’s wife’s classificatory missy inwards Gafita’s compound. In the morning, Gajyopa met Gafita inwards the yard too asked him which pot should hold out used for the bingar (see Table 2). “Terume (another opalug boy) says that they are preparing the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot. But don’t nosotros take hold to prepare the imbibe inwards cow’s pot?” Gafita responded:
"i do non know well. nosotros used to prepared the imbibe inwards goat’s pots before.
But it’s yous who wanted to alter the systems. For your banin (Table
2), people prepared the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. itam was criticized harshly
because he had prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Watraxunume (Table 2) for
yous every bit good it was inwards a cow’s pot that people prepared the drink. This
fourth dimension yous must also prepare inwards a cow’s pot. But if the others prepare it
inwards a goat’s pot yous had amend follow the others. go too cheque inwards which
pot they are going to prepare the drink."
Then Gajyopa left. Until the hateful solar daytime described inwards this instance study, Gafita did non know virtually the problem. But when he arrived, he learned that others had been maxim that he had ordered the opalug men to prepare the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot.
After listening to Gafita’s explanation, ii ojyar men delivered opposing views. One was Gajyopa’s classificatory brother. He criticized Gafita for citing the words of Gajyopa’s mother, or his classificatory mother. According to him, Gajyopa’s woman bring upwards said that Gafita had told the opalug men to prepare the drink
inwards a goat’s pot. The other speaker had a blood brother inwards opalug grade. he criticized Gafita for citing the words of 1 opalug man. when the atonbanyawon was held for his blood brother inwards the opalug grade, he heard 1 opalug homo tell that Gafita had ordered that the imbibe hold out prepared inwards a goat’s pot. So his blood brother prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Both of these ii ojyar men criticized Gafita for speaking for 1 of the members of their “lineages” or athiran. Therefore, divergence inwards “lineage” or athirans created opposition betwixt members of the same age-grade inwards this case.
One homo changed the administration of this give-and-take des sourds (discussion betwixt deaf people). he had been initiated before than the other members too was considered (or at to the lowest degree conducted himself as) a leader. he said:
"They [opalug men] tell a lie. Gafita may take hold said, “We prepared
it inwards goat’s pots”, but he had simply shown an example. he didn’t tell
them to prepare it inwards a goat’s pot. For the electrical current opalug’s banin and
watraxunume, people prepared some imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. They just
wanted to blame it on Gafita to avoid responsibility.
They used to prepare the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. why do they non know
only this fourth dimension inwards which pot to prepare the drink?
It is non Gafita who is wrong. It’s opalug who prepared the imbibe in
a goat’s pot solely this time. it is their problem, non ours. All nosotros do is to
acquire our share. From the side yesteryear side distribution of imbibe they volition have what
novel opalug obtain. But because they prepared it inwards a goat’s pot this
time, novel oplug volition prepare it inwards a goat’s pot too so on downwards the line.
it agency that they volition non hold out able to have much drink. Anyway it is
non our problem."
His words resolved the confrontation betwixt Gafita too the ii men speaking for members of their “lineage” or athiran. instead, he made a novel confrontation betwixt ii age-grades – the ojyar too opalug. This instance suggests that the age-grade scheme functions to resolve confrontations betwixt “lineages” or
athiran.
Read to a greater extent than yesteryear click here:http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
farther readings:www.haujournal.org/index.php/hau/article/download/138/207
Bassari tribe initiates,Kedougou, Senegal
The Bassari people telephone telephone themselves "Alian (a-liyan)," a someone from Bassari tribe is called "bulian (bi-layan)," too refer to their linguistic communication every bit "o-niyan." The designation “Bassari” seems to hold out of Manding origin. Ferry
(99: 4), citing Tauxier, presented the next etymological tradition for this word. After arriving inwards the region, the Fula people asked the Manding who the alian were. The manding answered inwards their language, “They are lizards [basa].”
Bassari people,Senegal
Currently the Tenda-speaking Bassari`s population is estimated to hold out virtually 38,000 with 16,000 people living inwards Senegal, 15,500 inwards Guinea, 500 inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau too some pocket-size numbers scattered inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Location
The Bassari people of Senegal are located inwards Southeast, Upper Casamance, Eden area; border areas, Kedougou, Tambacounda (Source: Ethnologue 2010).
In senegal, the territory inhabited yesteryear the Bassari is administratively classified every bit the Région de Tambacounda, Département de Kédougou, Arrondissement de Salémata.
Bassari settlement,Kédougou,Senegal
Since the belatedly 1950s, the Bassari take hold been migrating to large cities inwards Senegal, including Kédougou too Tambacounda. Some Bassari people take hold lived inwards these cities for a long time.
In Guinea, they are located inwards the Koundara part too simply about Youkounkoun, extending to the border of Senegal. Bassari inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau are generally located inwards the northeast of the the world whilst some aggregate portion also resides inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Language
Bassari people speaks a Tenda linguistic communication known every bit Oniyan (Onian, Onëyan, Ayan, Biyan, Wo). It is a Senegambian linguistic communication which belongs to the larger Niger-Congo linguistic communication group. Bassari is spoken inwards Senegal, Guinea, Republic of Guinea Bissau too inwards some parts of the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Examples:
Oniyan English
faba “father”
numa “mother”
ashinyuun “my son”
abionun “my daughter”
abaie “my sibling”,
History
The Bassari arrived inwards their expanse of line of piece of job betwixt the 11th too 19th centuries, establishing their settlements inwards the hills. Judging from their call "basa" which agency "They are lizards," given to them yesteryear Manding people inwards an reply to Fulani peoples` query, 1 tin clearly brand a deduction that the Bassari came to run across these ii tribes every bit good every bit other Tenda people.
Bassari people,Senegal. Circa 1960
Oral history with Bassari claim that the Bunang are considered the oldest nung (family). People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers.
The bassari settlements on the hills provided defensible vantage points overlooking the plains below, too were made upwards of groups of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. The expanse remains remote too many of the cultural adaptations of the people, including their agro-pastoral, social, ritual, too spiritual practices, persist to this day.
Economy
Bassari are cultivators! They are agro-pastoralist. they are farmers. They grow a variety of crops, using rattling basic tools. Their staple crops are millets degaf (Sorghum vulgare), earthpeas (also called Bambara groundnut) uyal (Voandzeia subterranea), peanuts utika (Arachis hypogaea), corn maka (Zea maïs), rice malu (Oryza sativa), fonio millet funyan (Digitaria exilis) too manioc.
However, squash, melons, sweetness potatoes, peppers, too tomatoes are also grown. Major tree crops include bananas, coconuts, mangoes, too papayas. They heighten cattle, sheep, too goats but do non usage their milk.
Dogs too chickens are seen inwards almost every village. They also engage inwards fishing, hunting, too beekeeping, amidst other activities. Hunting is of less importance than agriculture, but at that spot is considerable gathering of wild fruits too roots, berries, too nuts (kola, shea, too palm).
Socio-political construction too culture
They alive inwards extended theater unit of measurement compounds, each consisting of a cluster of huts commonly arranged inwards a circle simply about an opened upwards space. Often, the entire chemical compound is surrounded yesteryear a fence, a hedge, or a wall.
The compounds commonly adjoin to shape compact villages. In general, the dwellings are circular with mud walls too cone-shaped, thatched roofs. However, many local variations exist.
Bassari women initiates
In the community men hunt, fish, clear the land, too tend the cattle. The women do the gathering too assist inwards the agricultural work. Chiefs exercise political potency inwards the villages. Succession commonly passes to the side yesteryear side blood brother or to the oldest boy of the deceased chief's oldest sister.
Circumcision of males is practiced too some woman someone circumcision is also continued. These practices are mainly associated with initiation ceremonies at puberty, too typically involve a catamenia of instruction inwards an isolated "bush school."
They tolerate premarital sexual liberty for girls too prefer cousins every bit spousal human relationship partners. H5N1 bride-price inwards livestock, commonly pigs, is paid, too often, premarital bride-service is also required. Polygyny (having to a greater extent than than 1 wife) occurs to solely a limited extent. In such cases, however, each married adult woman has her ain hut, too the hubby spends a fixed catamenia with each on a rotation basis.
DESCENT GROUPS AND The AGE-GRADE SYSTEM AMONG BASSARI PEOPLE
Descent groups
Bassari guild is matrilineal, too ii words inwards the Bassari linguistic communication interpret to “matrilineal descent group”: "nung" too "athiran." In Bassari the word nung derives from a word pregnant “stem of a busy yam” (Dioscorea praehensilis). According Bassari people, the morphology of the busy yam, which has solely 1 root but many leaves, resembles a nung. The word athiran derives from a word pregnant “belly.”
Nung.
Although at that spot may hold out some regional variation, 7 nungs be inwards Senegalese Bassari villages: Benjya, Bouban, Bijyar, Bunang, Bangar, Bies, too Biyahanthi. People are automatically affiliated with their mother’s nung after birth, too members of each nung alive separately inside the Bassari villages. H5N1 nung is non an exogamic group. As a group, a nung does non possess whatsoever property, such every bit land, but some nungs do play a specific role inwards society. In edane, the hamlet principal is selected from the Bijyar men. Onuma, who are
responsible for age-grade activities, are selected from the Bunang men, piece the leader of the initiation guild is selected from Buban men.
The Bunang are special amidst the nungs. Although historical evidence is lacking,the Bunang are considered the oldest nung. People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers. Non-Bunang people are unwilling to wed a Bunang. People also tell that speaking evil of, or initiating a struggle with, Bunang people is uncommon. Note that solely the Bunang nung
take hold these characteristics, non the other nungs. inwards other words, the Bunang are unique amidst the nungs. Differentiating the other nungs is to a greater extent than hard because their differences are non so clear. For example, the Bies too the Buban seem different solely inwards name.
Bassari initiates,Guinea
Athiran
Athiran literally agency “belly”. different nungs, athirans are exogamic groups. Proper names do non be for specific athirans. when asked to seat the members of his athiran, 1 homo recounted solely the names of his mother’s children.
Then asked if his mother’s sister’s children are inwards his athiran, he said yes. when asked if his mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s children are members of his athiran, he responded, “well, they are non members of my athiran. Athiran are people who were born from the same belly. so my mother’s sister’s children are non the members of my athiran, either.” click hither for a table:normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
Age-grade system
In Bassari society, men too women who are considered mature plenty affiliate with an age-grade (anjex) too have roles, duties, too prerogatives associated with that age-grade. some age-grades engage inwards diverse types of communal labor, which helps those who demand assistance, too the laborers afterward have payment inwards sorghum beer or honey-based alcohol. The age-grade members portion the imbibe with other villagers. Both the labor too the imbibe are called atonbanyawon.
Bassari initiate fights to justify their manhood
The relationships of some age-grades are conceptualized yesteryear kin terms (Table 1 identifies manful someone too woman someone age-grades). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are called faba (father). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are called ashinyuun (my son). Women affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are numa (mother), too those inwards the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are abionun (my daughter). people ii grades higher upwards or below are syatya (. As inwards kin relations, faba strictly supervise ashinyuun too volition punish ashinyuun for committing errors. Numa are less strict than faba, but abionun are expected to honour numa. Syatya relationships are to a greater extent than friendly, indulgent, too at ease. Like existent syatya, they tin joke with each other.
Bassari woman
Other terms also stand upwards for the relationships of age-grades. Two people affiliated with the same degree telephone telephone 1 some other banjex. This appellation applies fifty-fifty betwixt men too women. people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth telephone telephone each other initya. Two persons who slept on the same bed inwards the communal hut [ambofor] during their initiation catamenia telephone telephone each other ingawon. Men telephone telephone women affiliated to the age-grade instantly higher upwards their age-grade inbanira too vise versa. on many occasions, they trip the lite fantastic together.
Age-grade relationships are superposed on kin relations. For example, all women who affiliate to one’s mother’s age-grade are called numa, too the children of someone who affiliates to the age-grade instantly below are called syatya.
Bassari initiates
Table 1. Age-grades
Male age-grade Female age-grade
buhark (sing: ahark)
odepeka (sing:endepeka)
buhark (sing:ahark) odoir (sing: endoir)
okotok (sing:ekotok) odosebkebatya (sing:endsebkebatya)
opidor (sing:epidor) odebatya (sing:endebatya)
ojyar (sing:enjyar) odojyar (sing:endjyar)
odug (sing:lug) ododug (sing:endodug)
odumuta (sing:lumuta)
odinguta (sing:ringuta)
A. Odinguta too Odumuta
H5N1 boy’s kickoff age-grade is odinguta. when he is considered mature enough, the boy’s elderberry neighborhood friends invite him to pass the nighttime at the communal hut. gessain wrote that this happens when the man child is virtually 8 years old (gessain, 97). The odinguta man child is too so slapped on his dorsum 4 times with the palm of a hand. he is also circumcised during the odinguta. After circumcision he enters the odumuta age-grade. To hold out odumuta, his dorsum has to hold out slapped yesteryear an odumuta man child twice with the palm of a manus too whipped ii or to a greater extent than times with a tree branch.
The boys of this age-grade perform a trip the lite fantastic called the odumuta inwards the dry out flavor (Figs. 4 & 5). The nighttime before the egub – 1 of the communal labors inwards which 1 villager engages the laborers to harvest millet inwards central for imbibe given instantly after the piece of job – the odumuta boys facilitate the harvest yesteryear pushing downwards the millet stems. The audio of their flutes, known every bit atywloti, tin hold out heard the nighttime before the egub. Although these activities are non considered atonbanyawon, the odumuta must sometimes perform atonbanyawon labor.
After initiation, the age-grade scheme becomes of import for defining private acts. Clearly, at that spot are some hierarchical differences betwixt odumta too odinguta, but their members are classified every bit non-initiated boys(7) who do non take hold much work. After ii or 3 years every bit odumuta, the boys undergo an initiation ceremony too acquire adults. To undergo initiation, a man child must hold out considered mature enough, too and so his parents must prepare for his initiation. fifty-fifty if a manful someone bring upwards thinks that his boy is non mature plenty or that he cannot afford to prepare for the initiation ceremony, his boy or his married adult woman volition oft forcefulness him to take hold the boy undergo the initiation ceremony. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, the boy may take hold to sentry someone acquire circumcised the same hateful solar daytime every bit him, or fifty-fifty after him, inwards monastic tell to undergo initiation.
The woman bring upwards oft takes compassion on her boy too asks his manful someone bring upwards to prepare for the initiation. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, a boy may seek assist from his ayuun or someone else of his “lineage”. About 10 days before the initiation ceremony, those who volition hold out initiated get down to alive at the location of the initiation ceremony [angol]. 1 year, an odumuta man child told me that he would non undergo initiation. i recounted the story to the boy’s elderberry brother, who explained to me that, “even if yous want to undergo initiation, too fifty-fifty if yous know that this twelvemonth yous volition hold out initiated, when asked, yous may reply negatively. yous experience shy [asyuxun] if someone thinks that yous hurry to undergo initiation.” yet, inwards reality, boys are inwards a hurry to hold out initiated. (An elderly homo blamed this rush yesteryear boys too their mothers on the declining difficulty of the initiation, maxim that the novel initiates are beaten less than before.) 1 man child wrote a missive of the alphabet to his parents who were living inwards Tambacounda at the fourth dimension too asked me to give it to them. inwards the letter, he expressed a strong want to hold out initiated too defendant his parents of inaction. They were aware of his wish, he said. some boys are so determined that they deal to undergo initiation without parental permission. After the initiation, the newly minted men acquire into the odug grade. Although the timing of initiation is said to depend on private maturity, the relationships amidst individuals before initiation are also of import factors.
In Edane too most other villages, people alter their degree every 6 years. This alter is marked yesteryear ekapa, inwards which opalug men are hitting yesteryear ojyar men ii times with a whip made from a branch of an angwara (unidentified) tree. The latest alter of degree occurred inwards october 2003. inwards egun village, however, people alter their degree every 24 years, starting from the tertiary degree after initiation to the fourth. so people belong to the tertiary degree of 6, 2, 8, 24 years, depending on the individual.(0) when i visited egun, almost all of the
men i met belonged to the tertiary degree after initiation [ojyar]. initiation takes seat almost every 2 years, too people alter grades every 6 years. without other rules, this procedure powerfulness drive problems. someone powerfulness solely hold out an odug twelvemonth before moving upwards a grade. To avoid this, someone initiated after the eiyuk trip the lite fantastic of the opalug degree – which occurs on the 5th twelvemonth of a 6-year interval – volition hold out an “initiated odumuta” [odumuta onithinithi] until people alter age-grades, instead of entering the odug degree instantly after initiation. Thus, boys initiated inwards 2002 were odumuta onithinithi until the hateful solar daytime of age-grade alter inwards 2003. when everyone moved upwards a grade, they entered the odug grade.
Clearly, non all people who belong to the same age-grade undergo initiation together. There are ii or 3 “groups of initiation” per age-grade. except for the fact that people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth tin telephone telephone 1 some other “initya”, no divergence exists betwixt members of an age-grade. There is no proper request people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth – who may hold out called an “age-set”. The full general term to refer to a grouping that has undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth is anutya. however, this word
implies “initiated boys who take hold non yet formally entered the odug grade.” This grouping retains no significance after odug.
As mentioned above, odinguta too odumuta take hold few roles, duties, or prerogatives before initiation. initiation makes a man child a man. having entered the oduggrade, a homo is given several roles too must perform many atywuin. Villagers who beak French interpret this word every bit “coutume” (meaning “custom” inwards English). Nolan (1986: 28) defined atywuin every bit “a complex wheel of obligatory rituals, ordeals too communal labor tasks”. According to an informant of gessain (97: 6), atywuin is “all things that 1 is obliged to do from childhood to old historic catamenia too that the old take hold done before yous for a long time.” 1 someone i spoke with described it every bit “something that makes yous tired”. Here, the word is defined every bit “the things that people must do because they belong to an age-grade.” hereafter, I usage coutume to hateful atywuin. neither circumcision nor initiation is classified every bit coutume because the accomplishment of these events depends on the maturity of the individual. Basically coutume involve atonbanyawon (communal work). For example, when an age-grade trip the lite fantastic is performed, the imbibe obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon is shared.
Table 2 lists the coutume of each age-grade. The next department identifies the age-grade characteristics.
Table 2 coutume of each historic catamenia group
Male age-grade female age-grade
Odug odoodug
1) rhanokathie
2) opinbi
3) watruxunume
opalug odoopalug
1) ohamana
2) owda ; at that spot are ii types
a. owdaola too banuma
b. owdaola too othengushe
3) lid
4) bundjyar
5) shyahis
6) banin
7) eiyuk
8) banin
9) nywkrend
10) bingar
11) ipesyan
12) ekapa
13) ekosyu
ojyar odojyar
1)odubutya
okotok odebatya
1) banbar 1) indanin 2) andebar
3) angain
4) osapar
5) anewa
opidor odosebkebatya
cypher special 1) eiyuk
buhark odoir
nothing special cypher special
odepeka
1) ohamana
buhark
nothing special
B. Odug
1 of the most obvious changes after entering the odug degree is the way of greetings, which changes from unproblematic to complex. Odug are permitted to take hold sexual relations with women, too inwards the rainy flavor odug tin accept component inwards ofna or communal labor. Odinguta or odumuta are non allowed to participate inwards this sort of communal labor inwards which villagers needing assist invite the communal laborers to piece of job for them inwards central for drink. Odug are also permitted to acquire axore too to dance, attaching leaves of a palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer) to whatsoever component of their body. Axore is a sort of Bassari mask that French-speaking Bassari refer to every bit “type-contraire” (contrary person).
In Bassari society, some verbal expressions tin hold out used solely yesteryear initiated men. Odug, for example, tin usage an human face “yathingiri (serious)” or a call named etar (see Table 3). Furthermore, odug must assist with agricultural labor for the hamlet chief. This labor is called apunan, too the principal does non demand to furnish drink. Odug men performing axore piece of job on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. Because axore workers are considered the children of the hamlet chief, odug who piece of job every bit axore tin consume anything inwards the chief’s acre on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. During the apunan inwards october 2003, the axore ate so much corn that the chief’s married adult woman became angry too yelled at them. This apunan does non seem to count every bit coutume. when i asked an elderly homo what coutume he did every bit an odug, he answered, patently forgetting the skilful bargain of coutume he did, that “if atonbanyawon of rhanokathie (see Table 2) has passed, [there is] solely atonbanywon of apunan. it is non coutume. it is something to enjoy.” “People take hold to do apunan for a hamlet principal who has done a lot of things for his village. people do non take hold to do apunan for a principal who has non done anything, similar the electrical current edane chief.” The apunanmentioned higher upwards was deliberately planned to coincide with the chief’s corn beingness well-ripened too ready to eat. In this case, the apunan was non considered coutume.
Every twelvemonth after the harvest, inwards Dec or January, the Bassari concur the ofelar festival. Ofelar literally translates every bit “say each other”, which to the Bassari agency “say goodbye to each other”. The ofelar festival also does non seem to hold out considered coutume too thence carries no obligation. But it is organized yesteryear odug, who portion the atonbanyawon work.
The odug degree must achieve the next coutume:
(1) rhanokathie
This coutume involves the annunciation that the degree is “forming a novel grade”, giving imbibe to the elders [buhark], too vi atonbanyawon.
(2) opinbi
This is the call of 1 of the odug dances, too the solely occasion inwards Bassari guild inwards which the xylophone is played (see Table 4). The opinbi trip the lite fantastic has non been performed inwards etyolo or ekes for a long time. Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted to obtain imbibe that volition hold out distributed on the trip the lite fantastic day.
(3) watraxunume
Odug piece of job to acquire drinks to give to opalug who take hold completed their shyahis (the “clearing”; watch below). Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted.
C. Opalug
Those entering the opalug degree are allowed to attach a bell [ohamana] to their body. During the kickoff month, opalug take hold to habiliment a belt made of palmyra palm leaves too the ohamana bell when they go out their homes. Like odug, they tin acquire axore too trip the lite fantastic with masks. But they tin trip the lite fantastic solely at the festival organized at the chief’s home. They cannot trip the lite fantastic when festivals are organized inwards other places. inwards 2000, villagers organized a festival to accolade me, but they planned to concur it at my host’s house. Thus, the opalug did non take hold the correct to dance. An opalug proposed that dancing to music from a cassette deck could accept seat slightly apart from the festival location. That is, my festival could hold out held inwards ii separate locations. But this proposal was non approved yesteryear elders, who maintained that opalug tin solely trip the lite fantastic at the chief’s home.
At the initiation ceremony, opalug trip the lite fantastic the okerehe from the minute hateful solar daytime to the finally hateful solar daytime (Fig. 6 & Table 4).
During the finally 2 years of opalug, ingesting dear is prohibited from september to December. The Bassari believe that an opalug volition boot the bucket if he does non uncovering this prohibition. Then 1 hateful solar daytime inwards December, opalug men accept imbibe to the seat of the eldest homo inwards the village.(5) inwards his yard, a makeshift chair made of bamboo is erected, too every opalug sits on it. The eldest homo drinks H2O with dear before squirting it inwards the human face of the opalug men too making them imbibe it. The dear prohibition is thence removed. Then, the imbibe brought
yesteryear the opalug is shared yesteryear those inwards attendance. This procedure is called ambisya.
Bassari woman someone initiates
Table 4
Dance age-grade accorded
odumuta odumuta
opinbi odug
okerehe opalug
atyumura ojyar/odebatya
epeka odepeka
Bassari men preparing for initiation
Opalug must achieve the follows coutume:
(1) ohamana
To obtain permission to attach the ohamana (bell) to the body, opalug perform vi atonbanyawon.
(2) owda
There are ii kinds of owda:
(a) owdaola or banuma
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to the onuma. (who are reponsible for age-grade activities)
(b) owdaola or othengushe
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to each fellow member of the buhark grade.
(3) lid
Six atonbanyawon are conducted each twelvemonth for 2 years. The imbibe obtained is taken to the seat where the initiation ceremony is held [angol] too given to the elders. Opalug do non take hold the correct to imbibe this alcohol.
(4) bundojyar
Atonbanyawon is conducted to obtain drinks for distribution during the ojyar dance.
(5) shyahis
This refers to “clearing”. Opalug inwards edane, ekes, too etyolo go to a clearing located inwards engisara to dance. As mentioned above, the odug must do the watraxunume coutume after the shyahis. if they want to, odug men tin make opalug degree yesteryear participating inwards the shyahis. This is a sort of “grade-skipping”
However, no 1 inwards edane did this. 1 homo wanted to, but the opalug men refused. when asked for a reason, 1 opalug homo said, “he had non accomplished a lot of coutume”, piece some other said, “he was soundless a child.” In contrast, inwards etywunungol, virtually 45 km W of edane, i found that many boys
“grade-skipped” after participating inwards the shyahis.
(6) banin
As component of the shyahis, opalug go to Engisara playing flutes [atywloti] too bells called the banin. They perform atonbanyawon to pay the “usage charge” for this banin.
(7) eiyuk
Opalug inwards 4 villages (edane, ekes, eganga, too epenge) piece of job together during the year. They perform a trip the lite fantastic called the eiyuk on the hateful solar daytime the imbibe they obtained is distributed.
(8) banin
vi atonbanyawon are conducted to pay a “usage charge” for the banin bells used at the eiyuk dance.
(9) nywkrendAtonbanyawon is conducted too the imbibe received is distributed betwixt edane too ekes. on this day, they create upwards one's take heed when to concur bingar.
(10) bingar
The oplaug inwards edane too ekes perform atonbanyawon, kickoff at the homes of onuma (who are responsible for age-grade activities). The onuma do non need
to furnish imbibe inwards central for the opalug’s work. Then, they piece of job for someone needing assist for 2 or 4 days. when going to or from an atonbanyawon, they must avoid coming together whatsoever odug. if they meet, the opalug take hold to insult odug. When asked virtually the significance of this act, 1 opalug homo said, “we found it similar this [ako suk kumi]”, pregnant that this custom had already existed when he was born, too thence he did non know its significance. Ojyar trip the lite fantastic on the hateful solar daytime imbibe is distributed. Opalug go to a seat called the yare to written report the
trip the lite fantastic performed on the ekapa day. inwards the past, it appears that opalug used to hold out hitting with whips on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar.
D. Ojyar
For the ojyar, at that spot are no atonbanyowon defined yesteryear coutume. However, ojyar assume many roles, including washing too burying the dead, announcing information to the villagers, too distributing imbibe (Fig. 7). They also take hold the correct to perform the atywumura dance. They volition no longer acquire axore (contrary person) yesteryear attaching leaves of the palmyra palm at the chief’s home. instead, they assume novel tasks, such every bit taking attention of novel initiates every bit odubutya, some other sort of axore.
On the hateful solar daytime of ofna (communal labor), an ojyar tin participate inwards the distribution of imbibe fifty-fifty if he has done no piece of job during the day. Ojyar are expected to send a cup. when i was an ojyar too without a cup, i was gently teased: “why don’t yous take hold a loving cup fifty-fifty though yous are ojyar?!” Villagers explicate the loving cup carrying yesteryear maxim that ojyar are likewise old to imbibe the distributed beverages inwards 1 gulp. Taking a loving cup to the seat where the imbibe volition hold out shared used to hold out a perk allowed solely for ojyar too above, but at nowadays fifty-fifty odug too opalug accept a cup. moreover, ojyar are supposed to hold out married, too so they are allowed to convey a container (called akaons, or inwards French, bidon [flask]) to accept imbibe dorsum home.
E. Okotok
Okotok may derive from the verb axot, which agency “to finish”. That is, they take hold finished all of the coutume too take hold no atonbanyawon defined yesteryear coutume. But they take hold to human activity every bit banbar, a sort of axore, at the initiation ceremony.
F. Opidor
Except for assuming a role during imbibe distribution,(8) opidor take hold no special roles or duties.
G. Buhark
People who goal opidor tin hold out called anywparang (pl. enywparang) for the kickoff 6 years. But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt anywparang too the other buhark. After opidor, all men are collectively called buhark. They take hold finished all the tasks.
B’ Odoodug
Women also acquire into the age-grade system. when considered mature enough, a girl’s neighborhood friends invite her to top the nighttime at communal hut. she thence enters the odoodug grade. But for the kickoff component of the 6 years, the girls are non actual odoodug because they are solely children 3 to 4 years of age. Upon reaching 6 or 7 years old, they get down to slumber at the communal hut.
C’ Odoopalug
When the ekapa coutume, which marks the alter of age-grades, is performed, odoodug acquire odoopalug. etymologically, Odopalug powerfulness hateful “for opalug”, too the girls inwards this degree do atonbanyawon communal labor with their banjex (i.e., opalug boys). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 of the Bassari masks called the odinir too tin accept part inwards ofna (communal labor). And almost all girls undergo excision, ohathi, piece inwards this grade.
D’ Odojyar
There is no noticeable divergence betwixt odoopalug too odojyar. Although their banjex (ojyar men) are relieved from atonbanyawon, they assist with the atonbanyawon of the opalug. piece inwards this grade, some girls may take hold their kickoff child.
E’ Odebatya
Almost all women acquire married during this period. Odebatya women tin vocalize the ebatya call (see Table 3). Odebatya agency “for ebatya”; that is, “those who tin call ebatya.” During the minute year, the women undergo the indaninceremony inwards the rainy season. solely women know precisely what happens during this ceremony. Elderly women accept the participants to mbon for undercover activities, including activities with the women’s babies. This suggests that women are expected to bear children prior to participating inwards the indanin.
After the indanin, they tin pronounce the eiei too etyokan cries. These cries are used to “cheer masks up”. After indanin, they tin also trip the lite fantastic the atywumura trip the lite fantastic (see Table 4).
Odebatya must achieve the next coutume:
(1) indanin
The odebatya consummate 28 atonbanyawon to obtain drinks for the indanin ceremony. inwards etyolo, the indanin seems to hold out called the dyanelimo.
(2) andebar
The odebatya inwards edane too ekes perform the andebar, for which they do vi atonbanyawon inwards the kickoff year, 5 inwards the minute year, 4 inwards the tertiary year, too so on until finally atonbanyawon inwards the 6th year.
(3) angain
For the angain, the odepeka perform the epeka trip the lite fantastic for the kickoff time. Drink distributed on this hateful solar daytime is obtained yesteryear the odebatya’s atonbanyawon.
(4) osapar
This word may hateful “foot”. Odebatya give drinks obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon to the women who took them to mbon for the indanin.
F’ Odosebkebatya
This word may etymologically hateful “those who halt crying ebatya”. For the odosebkebatya, participants are allowed to trip the lite fantastic the eiyuk. however, inwards edane, the finally ii age-grades take hold non danced the eiyuk. This custom powerfulness hold out disappearing.
G’ Odoir
Women inwards this degree tin accept a container to ofna (communal labor).
H’ Odepeka
Like ojyar men, women inwards this degree assume many roles. They launder the bodies of dead women, denote information to villagers, too distribute drinks obtained yesteryear the atonbanyawon of woman someone age-grades, amidst other responsibilities.
If the odebatya consummate the indanin ceremony, the odepeka tin too so trip the lite fantastic the epeka dance. They are prohibited from speaking too grin when they are dancing the epeka (Fig. 8). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 Bassari mask called an olukuta.
The odepeka must achieve the ohamana coutume, described below.
(1) ohamana
The odepeka do vi atonbanyawon every bit a “usage charge” for the ohanana, which takes seat when they trip the lite fantastic the epeka.
I’ Buhark
After odepeka, women tin hold out called odosebpeka for 6 years. This term literally translates every bit “those who halt dancing epeka.” But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt them too other buhark. Buhark tin hold out translated every bit “the old” too refers to those who take hold finished all their tasks.
Whereas the names odoodug, odoopalug, too odojyar derive from the names of manful someone age-grades, the names given to the age-grade from the odebatya degree onward derive from the characteristics of each age-grade. Further, from the odebatya degree onward, at that spot are special coutume for woman someone age-grades. These factors suggest that women effectively acquire into the age-grade scheme from the odebatya grade.
Once again, circumcision, excision, kid birth, marriage, too initiation are non considered criteria for the coutume categories. These activities depend on the perceived bird of private maturity. Thus, these activities may take hold a different rootage from the age-grade scheme too may take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension than the age-grade system. Likewise, because the 6-year-interval scheme varies across regions, this scheme may also take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension from (perhaps after) the age-grade scheme itself.
Function of the Age-Grade System
when asked why the age-grade scheme exists, 1 opalug homo answered, “To honour each other.” he too so continued, “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others. As nosotros take hold the age-grade system, nosotros tin larn from the elders what to do for each coutume too how to live. The age-grade is something similar a school.” Hawthorne (998) called the age-grade scheme a “cross-cutting institution” too noted that the age-grade scheme links people across the divides of descent groups. This “cross-cutting” explanation seems to mesh with that explanation yesteryear the opalug homo (i.e., “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others”).
Bassari iniates dancers
The age-grade scheme indeed does seem to link people across the divides of descent groups. H5N1 give-and-take I observed inwards october 2003 inwards edane highlights the functions of the age-grade system. This give-and-take took seat amidst members of the ojyar degree on the hateful solar daytime of distribution of the atonbanyawon imbibe obtained through opalug work. The imbibe was obtained for the bingar (see Table 2).
Case I
Villagers tell that on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar every bit good every bit the ekapa, ojyarmen used to whip opalug men, but at nowadays they take hold changed the system. now, instead of whipping opalug men, the ojyar forcefulness them to do atonbanyawon piece of job to acquire too distribute drink. They told the opalug to do 8 atonbanyawon – that is, to acquire 8 pots of drink. The opalugbrought 8 pots to the seat where the imbibe would hold out distributed, but
the size of the pots was smaller than expected. when the electrical current ojyarwere opalug, those enlisting the assist of the opalug degree had to compensate them with imbibe inwards a medium-sized pot called a bandobeti (goat’s).
But since the electrical current opalug entered this grade, people take hold to give imbibe inwards a large pot called a bandohei (cow’s). To obtain imbibe for this binger,some opalug men had to prepare the imbibe themselves. They brought the imbibe inwards goat’s pots, which prompted criticism. The opalug men defended themselves, maxim that Gafita, 1 of the ojyar, told them to prepare the imbibe inwards goat’spots. The ojyar give-and-take consequently focused on what precisely Gafita told them to do. The give-and-take started when Gafita was asked to explicate what he had done. Gafita responded “I haven’t done anything” too started to explicate precisely what happened. 1 day, gajyopa, who was inwards the opalug grade, spent the nighttime at the hut of Gafita’s wife’s classificatory missy inwards Gafita’s compound. In the morning, Gajyopa met Gafita inwards the yard too asked him which pot should hold out used for the bingar (see Table 2). “Terume (another opalug boy) says that they are preparing the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot. But don’t nosotros take hold to prepare the imbibe inwards cow’s pot?” Gafita responded:
"i do non know well. nosotros used to prepared the imbibe inwards goat’s pots before.
But it’s yous who wanted to alter the systems. For your banin (Table
2), people prepared the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. itam was criticized harshly
because he had prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Watraxunume (Table 2) for
yous every bit good it was inwards a cow’s pot that people prepared the drink. This
fourth dimension yous must also prepare inwards a cow’s pot. But if the others prepare it
inwards a goat’s pot yous had amend follow the others. go too cheque inwards which
pot they are going to prepare the drink."
Then Gajyopa left. Until the hateful solar daytime described inwards this instance study, Gafita did non know virtually the problem. But when he arrived, he learned that others had been maxim that he had ordered the opalug men to prepare the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot.
After listening to Gafita’s explanation, ii ojyar men delivered opposing views. One was Gajyopa’s classificatory brother. He criticized Gafita for citing the words of Gajyopa’s mother, or his classificatory mother. According to him, Gajyopa’s woman bring upwards said that Gafita had told the opalug men to prepare the drink
inwards a goat’s pot. The other speaker had a blood brother inwards opalug grade. he criticized Gafita for citing the words of 1 opalug man. when the atonbanyawon was held for his blood brother inwards the opalug grade, he heard 1 opalug homo tell that Gafita had ordered that the imbibe hold out prepared inwards a goat’s pot. So his blood brother prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Both of these ii ojyar men criticized Gafita for speaking for 1 of the members of their “lineages” or athiran. Therefore, divergence inwards “lineage” or athirans created opposition betwixt members of the same age-grade inwards this case.
One homo changed the administration of this give-and-take des sourds (discussion betwixt deaf people). he had been initiated before than the other members too was considered (or at to the lowest degree conducted himself as) a leader. he said:
"They [opalug men] tell a lie. Gafita may take hold said, “We prepared
it inwards goat’s pots”, but he had simply shown an example. he didn’t tell
them to prepare it inwards a goat’s pot. For the electrical current opalug’s banin and
watraxunume, people prepared some imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. They just
wanted to blame it on Gafita to avoid responsibility.
They used to prepare the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. why do they non know
only this fourth dimension inwards which pot to prepare the drink?
It is non Gafita who is wrong. It’s opalug who prepared the imbibe in
a goat’s pot solely this time. it is their problem, non ours. All nosotros do is to
acquire our share. From the side yesteryear side distribution of imbibe they volition have what
novel opalug obtain. But because they prepared it inwards a goat’s pot this
time, novel oplug volition prepare it inwards a goat’s pot too so on downwards the line.
it agency that they volition non hold out able to have much drink. Anyway it is
non our problem."
His words resolved the confrontation betwixt Gafita too the ii men speaking for members of their “lineage” or athiran. instead, he made a novel confrontation betwixt ii age-grades – the ojyar too opalug. This instance suggests that the age-grade scheme functions to resolve confrontations betwixt “lineages” or
athiran.
Read to a greater extent than yesteryear click here:http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
farther readings:www.haujournal.org/index.php/hau/article/download/138/207
Bassari tribe initiates,Kedougou, Senegal
The Bassari people telephone telephone themselves "Alian (a-liyan)," a someone from Bassari tribe is called "bulian (bi-layan)," too refer to their linguistic communication every bit "o-niyan." The designation “Bassari” seems to hold out of Manding origin. Ferry
(99: 4), citing Tauxier, presented the next etymological tradition for this word. After arriving inwards the region, the Fula people asked the Manding who the alian were. The manding answered inwards their language, “They are lizards [basa].”
Bassari people,Senegal
Currently the Tenda-speaking Bassari`s population is estimated to hold out virtually 38,000 with 16,000 people living inwards Senegal, 15,500 inwards Guinea, 500 inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau too some pocket-size numbers scattered inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari boy,Guinea
Location
The Bassari people of Senegal are located inwards Southeast, Upper Casamance, Eden area; border areas, Kedougou, Tambacounda (Source: Ethnologue 2010).
Bassari adult woman too her baby,Guinea. Kaolack
In senegal, the territory inhabited yesteryear the Bassari is administratively classified every bit the Région de Tambacounda, Département de Kédougou, Arrondissement de Salémata.
Bassari settlement,Kédougou,Senegal
Since the belatedly 1950s, the Bassari take hold been migrating to large cities inwards Senegal, including Kédougou too Tambacounda. Some Bassari people take hold lived inwards these cities for a long time.
In Guinea, they are located inwards the Koundara part too simply about Youkounkoun, extending to the border of Senegal. Bassari inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau are generally located inwards the northeast of the the world whilst some aggregate portion also resides inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari missy initiates,Sanegal
Language
Bassari people speaks a Tenda linguistic communication known every bit Oniyan (Onian, Onëyan, Ayan, Biyan, Wo). It is a Senegambian linguistic communication which belongs to the larger Niger-Congo linguistic communication group. Bassari is spoken inwards Senegal, Guinea, Republic of Guinea Bissau too inwards some parts of the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari woman,Guinea
Examples:
Oniyan English
faba “father”
numa “mother”
ashinyuun “my son”
abionun “my daughter”
abaie “my sibling”,
History
The Bassari arrived inwards their expanse of line of piece of job betwixt the 11th too 19th centuries, establishing their settlements inwards the hills. Judging from their call "basa" which agency "They are lizards," given to them yesteryear Manding people inwards an reply to Fulani peoples` query, 1 tin clearly brand a deduction that the Bassari came to run across these ii tribes every bit good every bit other Tenda people.
Bassari people,Senegal. Circa 1960
Oral history with Bassari claim that the Bunang are considered the oldest nung (family). People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers.
The bassari settlements on the hills provided defensible vantage points overlooking the plains below, too were made upwards of groups of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. The expanse remains remote too many of the cultural adaptations of the people, including their agro-pastoral, social, ritual, too spiritual practices, persist to this day.
Bassari people,Guinea. circa 1970
Economy
Bassari are cultivators! They are agro-pastoralist. they are farmers. They grow a variety of crops, using rattling basic tools. Their staple crops are millets degaf (Sorghum vulgare), earthpeas (also called Bambara groundnut) uyal (Voandzeia subterranea), peanuts utika (Arachis hypogaea), corn maka (Zea maïs), rice malu (Oryza sativa), fonio millet funyan (Digitaria exilis) too manioc.
However, squash, melons, sweetness potatoes, peppers, too tomatoes are also grown. Major tree crops include bananas, coconuts, mangoes, too papayas. They heighten cattle, sheep, too goats but do non usage their milk.
Dogs too chickens are seen inwards almost every village. They also engage inwards fishing, hunting, too beekeeping, amidst other activities. Hunting is of less importance than agriculture, but at that spot is considerable gathering of wild fruits too roots, berries, too nuts (kola, shea, too palm).
Socio-political construction too culture
They alive inwards extended theater unit of measurement compounds, each consisting of a cluster of huts commonly arranged inwards a circle simply about an opened upwards space. Often, the entire chemical compound is surrounded yesteryear a fence, a hedge, or a wall.
Bassari man
The compounds commonly adjoin to shape compact villages. In general, the dwellings are circular with mud walls too cone-shaped, thatched roofs. However, many local variations exist.
Bassari women initiates
In the community men hunt, fish, clear the land, too tend the cattle. The women do the gathering too assist inwards the agricultural work. Chiefs exercise political potency inwards the villages. Succession commonly passes to the side yesteryear side blood brother or to the oldest boy of the deceased chief's oldest sister.
Circumcision of males is practiced too some woman someone circumcision is also continued. These practices are mainly associated with initiation ceremonies at puberty, too typically involve a catamenia of instruction inwards an isolated "bush school."
They tolerate premarital sexual liberty for girls too prefer cousins every bit spousal human relationship partners. H5N1 bride-price inwards livestock, commonly pigs, is paid, too often, premarital bride-service is also required. Polygyny (having to a greater extent than than 1 wife) occurs to solely a limited extent. In such cases, however, each married adult woman has her ain hut, too the hubby spends a fixed catamenia with each on a rotation basis.
Bassari adult woman washing
Bassari adult woman too child
DESCENT GROUPS AND The AGE-GRADE SYSTEM AMONG BASSARI PEOPLE
Descent groups
Bassari guild is matrilineal, too ii words inwards the Bassari linguistic communication interpret to “matrilineal descent group”: "nung" too "athiran." In Bassari the word nung derives from a word pregnant “stem of a busy yam” (Dioscorea praehensilis). According Bassari people, the morphology of the busy yam, which has solely 1 root but many leaves, resembles a nung. The word athiran derives from a word pregnant “belly.”
Nung.
Bassari initiate
Although at that spot may hold out some regional variation, 7 nungs be inwards Senegalese Bassari villages: Benjya, Bouban, Bijyar, Bunang, Bangar, Bies, too Biyahanthi. People are automatically affiliated with their mother’s nung after birth, too members of each nung alive separately inside the Bassari villages. H5N1 nung is non an exogamic group. As a group, a nung does non possess whatsoever property, such every bit land, but some nungs do play a specific role inwards society. In edane, the hamlet principal is selected from the Bijyar men. Onuma, who are
responsible for age-grade activities, are selected from the Bunang men, piece the leader of the initiation guild is selected from Buban men.
The Bunang are special amidst the nungs. Although historical evidence is lacking,the Bunang are considered the oldest nung. People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers. Non-Bunang people are unwilling to wed a Bunang. People also tell that speaking evil of, or initiating a struggle with, Bunang people is uncommon. Note that solely the Bunang nung
take hold these characteristics, non the other nungs. inwards other words, the Bunang are unique amidst the nungs. Differentiating the other nungs is to a greater extent than hard because their differences are non so clear. For example, the Bies too the Buban seem different solely inwards name.
Bassari initiates,Guinea
Athiran
Athiran literally agency “belly”. different nungs, athirans are exogamic groups. Proper names do non be for specific athirans. when asked to seat the members of his athiran, 1 homo recounted solely the names of his mother’s children.
Then asked if his mother’s sister’s children are inwards his athiran, he said yes. when asked if his mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s children are members of his athiran, he responded, “well, they are non members of my athiran. Athiran are people who were born from the same belly. so my mother’s sister’s children are non the members of my athiran, either.” click hither for a table:normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
Age-grade system
In Bassari society, men too women who are considered mature plenty affiliate with an age-grade (anjex) too have roles, duties, too prerogatives associated with that age-grade. some age-grades engage inwards diverse types of communal labor, which helps those who demand assistance, too the laborers afterward have payment inwards sorghum beer or honey-based alcohol. The age-grade members portion the imbibe with other villagers. Both the labor too the imbibe are called atonbanyawon.
Bassari initiate fights to justify their manhood
The relationships of some age-grades are conceptualized yesteryear kin terms (Table 1 identifies manful someone too woman someone age-grades). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are called faba (father). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are called ashinyuun (my son). Women affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are numa (mother), too those inwards the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are abionun (my daughter). people ii grades higher upwards or below are syatya (. As inwards kin relations, faba strictly supervise ashinyuun too volition punish ashinyuun for committing errors. Numa are less strict than faba, but abionun are expected to honour numa. Syatya relationships are to a greater extent than friendly, indulgent, too at ease. Like existent syatya, they tin joke with each other.
Bassari woman
Other terms also stand upwards for the relationships of age-grades. Two people affiliated with the same degree telephone telephone 1 some other banjex. This appellation applies fifty-fifty betwixt men too women. people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth telephone telephone each other initya. Two persons who slept on the same bed inwards the communal hut [ambofor] during their initiation catamenia telephone telephone each other ingawon. Men telephone telephone women affiliated to the age-grade instantly higher upwards their age-grade inbanira too vise versa. on many occasions, they trip the lite fantastic together.
Age-grade relationships are superposed on kin relations. For example, all women who affiliate to one’s mother’s age-grade are called numa, too the children of someone who affiliates to the age-grade instantly below are called syatya.
Bassari initiates
Table 1. Age-grades
Male age-grade Female age-grade
buhark (sing: ahark)
odepeka (sing:endepeka)
buhark (sing:ahark) odoir (sing: endoir)
okotok (sing:ekotok) odosebkebatya (sing:endsebkebatya)
opidor (sing:epidor) odebatya (sing:endebatya)
ojyar (sing:enjyar) odojyar (sing:endjyar)
odug (sing:lug) ododug (sing:endodug)
odumuta (sing:lumuta)
odinguta (sing:ringuta)
A. Odinguta too Odumuta
H5N1 boy’s kickoff age-grade is odinguta. when he is considered mature enough, the boy’s elderberry neighborhood friends invite him to pass the nighttime at the communal hut. gessain wrote that this happens when the man child is virtually 8 years old (gessain, 97). The odinguta man child is too so slapped on his dorsum 4 times with the palm of a hand. he is also circumcised during the odinguta. After circumcision he enters the odumuta age-grade. To hold out odumuta, his dorsum has to hold out slapped yesteryear an odumuta man child twice with the palm of a manus too whipped ii or to a greater extent than times with a tree branch.
The boys of this age-grade perform a trip the lite fantastic called the odumuta inwards the dry out flavor (Figs. 4 & 5). The nighttime before the egub – 1 of the communal labors inwards which 1 villager engages the laborers to harvest millet inwards central for imbibe given instantly after the piece of job – the odumuta boys facilitate the harvest yesteryear pushing downwards the millet stems. The audio of their flutes, known every bit atywloti, tin hold out heard the nighttime before the egub. Although these activities are non considered atonbanyawon, the odumuta must sometimes perform atonbanyawon labor.
After initiation, the age-grade scheme becomes of import for defining private acts. Clearly, at that spot are some hierarchical differences betwixt odumta too odinguta, but their members are classified every bit non-initiated boys(7) who do non take hold much work. After ii or 3 years every bit odumuta, the boys undergo an initiation ceremony too acquire adults. To undergo initiation, a man child must hold out considered mature enough, too and so his parents must prepare for his initiation. fifty-fifty if a manful someone bring upwards thinks that his boy is non mature plenty or that he cannot afford to prepare for the initiation ceremony, his boy or his married adult woman volition oft forcefulness him to take hold the boy undergo the initiation ceremony. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, the boy may take hold to sentry someone acquire circumcised the same hateful solar daytime every bit him, or fifty-fifty after him, inwards monastic tell to undergo initiation.
Bassari man
The woman bring upwards oft takes compassion on her boy too asks his manful someone bring upwards to prepare for the initiation. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, a boy may seek assist from his ayuun or someone else of his “lineage”. About 10 days before the initiation ceremony, those who volition hold out initiated get down to alive at the location of the initiation ceremony [angol]. 1 year, an odumuta man child told me that he would non undergo initiation. i recounted the story to the boy’s elderberry brother, who explained to me that, “even if yous want to undergo initiation, too fifty-fifty if yous know that this twelvemonth yous volition hold out initiated, when asked, yous may reply negatively. yous experience shy [asyuxun] if someone thinks that yous hurry to undergo initiation.” yet, inwards reality, boys are inwards a hurry to hold out initiated. (An elderly homo blamed this rush yesteryear boys too their mothers on the declining difficulty of the initiation, maxim that the novel initiates are beaten less than before.) 1 man child wrote a missive of the alphabet to his parents who were living inwards Tambacounda at the fourth dimension too asked me to give it to them. inwards the letter, he expressed a strong want to hold out initiated too defendant his parents of inaction. They were aware of his wish, he said. some boys are so determined that they deal to undergo initiation without parental permission. After the initiation, the newly minted men acquire into the odug grade. Although the timing of initiation is said to depend on private maturity, the relationships amidst individuals before initiation are also of import factors.
In Edane too most other villages, people alter their degree every 6 years. This alter is marked yesteryear ekapa, inwards which opalug men are hitting yesteryear ojyar men ii times with a whip made from a branch of an angwara (unidentified) tree. The latest alter of degree occurred inwards october 2003. inwards egun village, however, people alter their degree every 24 years, starting from the tertiary degree after initiation to the fourth. so people belong to the tertiary degree of 6, 2, 8, 24 years, depending on the individual.(0) when i visited egun, almost all of the
men i met belonged to the tertiary degree after initiation [ojyar]. initiation takes seat almost every 2 years, too people alter grades every 6 years. without other rules, this procedure powerfulness drive problems. someone powerfulness solely hold out an odug twelvemonth before moving upwards a grade. To avoid this, someone initiated after the eiyuk trip the lite fantastic of the opalug degree – which occurs on the 5th twelvemonth of a 6-year interval – volition hold out an “initiated odumuta” [odumuta onithinithi] until people alter age-grades, instead of entering the odug degree instantly after initiation. Thus, boys initiated inwards 2002 were odumuta onithinithi until the hateful solar daytime of age-grade alter inwards 2003. when everyone moved upwards a grade, they entered the odug grade.
Clearly, non all people who belong to the same age-grade undergo initiation together. There are ii or 3 “groups of initiation” per age-grade. except for the fact that people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth tin telephone telephone 1 some other “initya”, no divergence exists betwixt members of an age-grade. There is no proper request people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth – who may hold out called an “age-set”. The full general term to refer to a grouping that has undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth is anutya. however, this word
implies “initiated boys who take hold non yet formally entered the odug grade.” This grouping retains no significance after odug.
As mentioned above, odinguta too odumuta take hold few roles, duties, or prerogatives before initiation. initiation makes a man child a man. having entered the oduggrade, a homo is given several roles too must perform many atywuin. Villagers who beak French interpret this word every bit “coutume” (meaning “custom” inwards English). Nolan (1986: 28) defined atywuin every bit “a complex wheel of obligatory rituals, ordeals too communal labor tasks”. According to an informant of gessain (97: 6), atywuin is “all things that 1 is obliged to do from childhood to old historic catamenia too that the old take hold done before yous for a long time.” 1 someone i spoke with described it every bit “something that makes yous tired”. Here, the word is defined every bit “the things that people must do because they belong to an age-grade.” hereafter, I usage coutume to hateful atywuin. neither circumcision nor initiation is classified every bit coutume because the accomplishment of these events depends on the maturity of the individual. Basically coutume involve atonbanyawon (communal work). For example, when an age-grade trip the lite fantastic is performed, the imbibe obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon is shared.
Table 2 lists the coutume of each age-grade. The next department identifies the age-grade characteristics.
Table 2 coutume of each historic catamenia group
Male age-grade female age-grade
Odug odoodug
1) rhanokathie
2) opinbi
3) watruxunume
opalug odoopalug
1) ohamana
2) owda ; at that spot are ii types
a. owdaola too banuma
b. owdaola too othengushe
3) lid
4) bundjyar
5) shyahis
6) banin
7) eiyuk
8) banin
9) nywkrend
10) bingar
11) ipesyan
12) ekapa
13) ekosyu
ojyar odojyar
1)odubutya
okotok odebatya
1) banbar 1) indanin 2) andebar
3) angain
4) osapar
5) anewa
opidor odosebkebatya
cypher special 1) eiyuk
buhark odoir
nothing special cypher special
odepeka
1) ohamana
buhark
nothing special
B. Odug
1 of the most obvious changes after entering the odug degree is the way of greetings, which changes from unproblematic to complex. Odug are permitted to take hold sexual relations with women, too inwards the rainy flavor odug tin accept component inwards ofna or communal labor. Odinguta or odumuta are non allowed to participate inwards this sort of communal labor inwards which villagers needing assist invite the communal laborers to piece of job for them inwards central for drink. Odug are also permitted to acquire axore too to dance, attaching leaves of a palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer) to whatsoever component of their body. Axore is a sort of Bassari mask that French-speaking Bassari refer to every bit “type-contraire” (contrary person).
In Bassari society, some verbal expressions tin hold out used solely yesteryear initiated men. Odug, for example, tin usage an human face “yathingiri (serious)” or a call named etar (see Table 3). Furthermore, odug must assist with agricultural labor for the hamlet chief. This labor is called apunan, too the principal does non demand to furnish drink. Odug men performing axore piece of job on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. Because axore workers are considered the children of the hamlet chief, odug who piece of job every bit axore tin consume anything inwards the chief’s acre on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. During the apunan inwards october 2003, the axore ate so much corn that the chief’s married adult woman became angry too yelled at them. This apunan does non seem to count every bit coutume. when i asked an elderly homo what coutume he did every bit an odug, he answered, patently forgetting the skilful bargain of coutume he did, that “if atonbanyawon of rhanokathie (see Table 2) has passed, [there is] solely atonbanywon of apunan. it is non coutume. it is something to enjoy.” “People take hold to do apunan for a hamlet principal who has done a lot of things for his village. people do non take hold to do apunan for a principal who has non done anything, similar the electrical current edane chief.” The apunanmentioned higher upwards was deliberately planned to coincide with the chief’s corn beingness well-ripened too ready to eat. In this case, the apunan was non considered coutume.
Every twelvemonth after the harvest, inwards Dec or January, the Bassari concur the ofelar festival. Ofelar literally translates every bit “say each other”, which to the Bassari agency “say goodbye to each other”. The ofelar festival also does non seem to hold out considered coutume too thence carries no obligation. But it is organized yesteryear odug, who portion the atonbanyawon work.
The odug degree must achieve the next coutume:
(1) rhanokathie
This coutume involves the annunciation that the degree is “forming a novel grade”, giving imbibe to the elders [buhark], too vi atonbanyawon.
(2) opinbi
This is the call of 1 of the odug dances, too the solely occasion inwards Bassari guild inwards which the xylophone is played (see Table 4). The opinbi trip the lite fantastic has non been performed inwards etyolo or ekes for a long time. Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted to obtain imbibe that volition hold out distributed on the trip the lite fantastic day.
(3) watraxunume
Odug piece of job to acquire drinks to give to opalug who take hold completed their shyahis (the “clearing”; watch below). Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted.
C. Opalug
Those entering the opalug degree are allowed to attach a bell [ohamana] to their body. During the kickoff month, opalug take hold to habiliment a belt made of palmyra palm leaves too the ohamana bell when they go out their homes. Like odug, they tin acquire axore too trip the lite fantastic with masks. But they tin trip the lite fantastic solely at the festival organized at the chief’s home. They cannot trip the lite fantastic when festivals are organized inwards other places. inwards 2000, villagers organized a festival to accolade me, but they planned to concur it at my host’s house. Thus, the opalug did non take hold the correct to dance. An opalug proposed that dancing to music from a cassette deck could accept seat slightly apart from the festival location. That is, my festival could hold out held inwards ii separate locations. But this proposal was non approved yesteryear elders, who maintained that opalug tin solely trip the lite fantastic at the chief’s home.
At the initiation ceremony, opalug trip the lite fantastic the okerehe from the minute hateful solar daytime to the finally hateful solar daytime (Fig. 6 & Table 4).
During the finally 2 years of opalug, ingesting dear is prohibited from september to December. The Bassari believe that an opalug volition boot the bucket if he does non uncovering this prohibition. Then 1 hateful solar daytime inwards December, opalug men accept imbibe to the seat of the eldest homo inwards the village.(5) inwards his yard, a makeshift chair made of bamboo is erected, too every opalug sits on it. The eldest homo drinks H2O with dear before squirting it inwards the human face of the opalug men too making them imbibe it. The dear prohibition is thence removed. Then, the imbibe brought
yesteryear the opalug is shared yesteryear those inwards attendance. This procedure is called ambisya.
Bassari woman someone initiates
Table 4
Dance age-grade accorded
odumuta odumuta
opinbi odug
okerehe opalug
atyumura ojyar/odebatya
epeka odepeka
Bassari men preparing for initiation
Opalug must achieve the follows coutume:
(1) ohamana
To obtain permission to attach the ohamana (bell) to the body, opalug perform vi atonbanyawon.
(2) owda
There are ii kinds of owda:
(a) owdaola or banuma
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to the onuma. (who are reponsible for age-grade activities)
(b) owdaola or othengushe
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to each fellow member of the buhark grade.
(3) lid
Six atonbanyawon are conducted each twelvemonth for 2 years. The imbibe obtained is taken to the seat where the initiation ceremony is held [angol] too given to the elders. Opalug do non take hold the correct to imbibe this alcohol.
(4) bundojyar
Atonbanyawon is conducted to obtain drinks for distribution during the ojyar dance.
(5) shyahis
This refers to “clearing”. Opalug inwards edane, ekes, too etyolo go to a clearing located inwards engisara to dance. As mentioned above, the odug must do the watraxunume coutume after the shyahis. if they want to, odug men tin make opalug degree yesteryear participating inwards the shyahis. This is a sort of “grade-skipping”
However, no 1 inwards edane did this. 1 homo wanted to, but the opalug men refused. when asked for a reason, 1 opalug homo said, “he had non accomplished a lot of coutume”, piece some other said, “he was soundless a child.” In contrast, inwards etywunungol, virtually 45 km W of edane, i found that many boys
“grade-skipped” after participating inwards the shyahis.
(6) banin
As component of the shyahis, opalug go to Engisara playing flutes [atywloti] too bells called the banin. They perform atonbanyawon to pay the “usage charge” for this banin.
(7) eiyuk
Opalug inwards 4 villages (edane, ekes, eganga, too epenge) piece of job together during the year. They perform a trip the lite fantastic called the eiyuk on the hateful solar daytime the imbibe they obtained is distributed.
(8) banin
vi atonbanyawon are conducted to pay a “usage charge” for the banin bells used at the eiyuk dance.
(9) nywkrendAtonbanyawon is conducted too the imbibe received is distributed betwixt edane too ekes. on this day, they create upwards one's take heed when to concur bingar.
(10) bingar
The oplaug inwards edane too ekes perform atonbanyawon, kickoff at the homes of onuma (who are responsible for age-grade activities). The onuma do non need
to furnish imbibe inwards central for the opalug’s work. Then, they piece of job for someone needing assist for 2 or 4 days. when going to or from an atonbanyawon, they must avoid coming together whatsoever odug. if they meet, the opalug take hold to insult odug. When asked virtually the significance of this act, 1 opalug homo said, “we found it similar this [ako suk kumi]”, pregnant that this custom had already existed when he was born, too thence he did non know its significance. Ojyar trip the lite fantastic on the hateful solar daytime imbibe is distributed. Opalug go to a seat called the yare to written report the
trip the lite fantastic performed on the ekapa day. inwards the past, it appears that opalug used to hold out hitting with whips on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar.
D. Ojyar
For the ojyar, at that spot are no atonbanyowon defined yesteryear coutume. However, ojyar assume many roles, including washing too burying the dead, announcing information to the villagers, too distributing imbibe (Fig. 7). They also take hold the correct to perform the atywumura dance. They volition no longer acquire axore (contrary person) yesteryear attaching leaves of the palmyra palm at the chief’s home. instead, they assume novel tasks, such every bit taking attention of novel initiates every bit odubutya, some other sort of axore.
On the hateful solar daytime of ofna (communal labor), an ojyar tin participate inwards the distribution of imbibe fifty-fifty if he has done no piece of job during the day. Ojyar are expected to send a cup. when i was an ojyar too without a cup, i was gently teased: “why don’t yous take hold a loving cup fifty-fifty though yous are ojyar?!” Villagers explicate the loving cup carrying yesteryear maxim that ojyar are likewise old to imbibe the distributed beverages inwards 1 gulp. Taking a loving cup to the seat where the imbibe volition hold out shared used to hold out a perk allowed solely for ojyar too above, but at nowadays fifty-fifty odug too opalug accept a cup. moreover, ojyar are supposed to hold out married, too so they are allowed to convey a container (called akaons, or inwards French, bidon [flask]) to accept imbibe dorsum home.
E. Okotok
Okotok may derive from the verb axot, which agency “to finish”. That is, they take hold finished all of the coutume too take hold no atonbanyawon defined yesteryear coutume. But they take hold to human activity every bit banbar, a sort of axore, at the initiation ceremony.
F. Opidor
Except for assuming a role during imbibe distribution,(8) opidor take hold no special roles or duties.
G. Buhark
People who goal opidor tin hold out called anywparang (pl. enywparang) for the kickoff 6 years. But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt anywparang too the other buhark. After opidor, all men are collectively called buhark. They take hold finished all the tasks.
B’ Odoodug
Women also acquire into the age-grade system. when considered mature enough, a girl’s neighborhood friends invite her to top the nighttime at communal hut. she thence enters the odoodug grade. But for the kickoff component of the 6 years, the girls are non actual odoodug because they are solely children 3 to 4 years of age. Upon reaching 6 or 7 years old, they get down to slumber at the communal hut.
C’ Odoopalug
When the ekapa coutume, which marks the alter of age-grades, is performed, odoodug acquire odoopalug. etymologically, Odopalug powerfulness hateful “for opalug”, too the girls inwards this degree do atonbanyawon communal labor with their banjex (i.e., opalug boys). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 of the Bassari masks called the odinir too tin accept part inwards ofna (communal labor). And almost all girls undergo excision, ohathi, piece inwards this grade.
D’ Odojyar
There is no noticeable divergence betwixt odoopalug too odojyar. Although their banjex (ojyar men) are relieved from atonbanyawon, they assist with the atonbanyawon of the opalug. piece inwards this grade, some girls may take hold their kickoff child.
E’ Odebatya
Almost all women acquire married during this period. Odebatya women tin vocalize the ebatya call (see Table 3). Odebatya agency “for ebatya”; that is, “those who tin call ebatya.” During the minute year, the women undergo the indaninceremony inwards the rainy season. solely women know precisely what happens during this ceremony. Elderly women accept the participants to mbon for undercover activities, including activities with the women’s babies. This suggests that women are expected to bear children prior to participating inwards the indanin.
After the indanin, they tin pronounce the eiei too etyokan cries. These cries are used to “cheer masks up”. After indanin, they tin also trip the lite fantastic the atywumura trip the lite fantastic (see Table 4).
Odebatya must achieve the next coutume:
(1) indanin
The odebatya consummate 28 atonbanyawon to obtain drinks for the indanin ceremony. inwards etyolo, the indanin seems to hold out called the dyanelimo.
(2) andebar
The odebatya inwards edane too ekes perform the andebar, for which they do vi atonbanyawon inwards the kickoff year, 5 inwards the minute year, 4 inwards the tertiary year, too so on until finally atonbanyawon inwards the 6th year.
(3) angain
For the angain, the odepeka perform the epeka trip the lite fantastic for the kickoff time. Drink distributed on this hateful solar daytime is obtained yesteryear the odebatya’s atonbanyawon.
(4) osapar
This word may hateful “foot”. Odebatya give drinks obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon to the women who took them to mbon for the indanin.
F’ Odosebkebatya
This word may etymologically hateful “those who halt crying ebatya”. For the odosebkebatya, participants are allowed to trip the lite fantastic the eiyuk. however, inwards edane, the finally ii age-grades take hold non danced the eiyuk. This custom powerfulness hold out disappearing.
G’ Odoir
Women inwards this degree tin accept a container to ofna (communal labor).
H’ Odepeka
Like ojyar men, women inwards this degree assume many roles. They launder the bodies of dead women, denote information to villagers, too distribute drinks obtained yesteryear the atonbanyawon of woman someone age-grades, amidst other responsibilities.
If the odebatya consummate the indanin ceremony, the odepeka tin too so trip the lite fantastic the epeka dance. They are prohibited from speaking too grin when they are dancing the epeka (Fig. 8). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 Bassari mask called an olukuta.
The odepeka must achieve the ohamana coutume, described below.
(1) ohamana
The odepeka do vi atonbanyawon every bit a “usage charge” for the ohanana, which takes seat when they trip the lite fantastic the epeka.
I’ Buhark
After odepeka, women tin hold out called odosebpeka for 6 years. This term literally translates every bit “those who halt dancing epeka.” But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt them too other buhark. Buhark tin hold out translated every bit “the old” too refers to those who take hold finished all their tasks.
Whereas the names odoodug, odoopalug, too odojyar derive from the names of manful someone age-grades, the names given to the age-grade from the odebatya degree onward derive from the characteristics of each age-grade. Further, from the odebatya degree onward, at that spot are special coutume for woman someone age-grades. These factors suggest that women effectively acquire into the age-grade scheme from the odebatya grade.
Once again, circumcision, excision, kid birth, marriage, too initiation are non considered criteria for the coutume categories. These activities depend on the perceived bird of private maturity. Thus, these activities may take hold a different rootage from the age-grade scheme too may take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension than the age-grade system. Likewise, because the 6-year-interval scheme varies across regions, this scheme may also take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension from (perhaps after) the age-grade scheme itself.
Bassari adult woman initiate
Function of the Age-Grade System
when asked why the age-grade scheme exists, 1 opalug homo answered, “To honour each other.” he too so continued, “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others. As nosotros take hold the age-grade system, nosotros tin larn from the elders what to do for each coutume too how to live. The age-grade is something similar a school.” Hawthorne (998) called the age-grade scheme a “cross-cutting institution” too noted that the age-grade scheme links people across the divides of descent groups. This “cross-cutting” explanation seems to mesh with that explanation yesteryear the opalug homo (i.e., “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others”).
Bassari iniates dancers
The age-grade scheme indeed does seem to link people across the divides of descent groups. H5N1 give-and-take I observed inwards october 2003 inwards edane highlights the functions of the age-grade system. This give-and-take took seat amidst members of the ojyar degree on the hateful solar daytime of distribution of the atonbanyawon imbibe obtained through opalug work. The imbibe was obtained for the bingar (see Table 2).
Case I
Villagers tell that on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar every bit good every bit the ekapa, ojyarmen used to whip opalug men, but at nowadays they take hold changed the system. now, instead of whipping opalug men, the ojyar forcefulness them to do atonbanyawon piece of job to acquire too distribute drink. They told the opalug to do 8 atonbanyawon – that is, to acquire 8 pots of drink. The opalugbrought 8 pots to the seat where the imbibe would hold out distributed, but
the size of the pots was smaller than expected. when the electrical current ojyarwere opalug, those enlisting the assist of the opalug degree had to compensate them with imbibe inwards a medium-sized pot called a bandobeti (goat’s).
But since the electrical current opalug entered this grade, people take hold to give imbibe inwards a large pot called a bandohei (cow’s). To obtain imbibe for this binger,some opalug men had to prepare the imbibe themselves. They brought the imbibe inwards goat’s pots, which prompted criticism. The opalug men defended themselves, maxim that Gafita, 1 of the ojyar, told them to prepare the imbibe inwards goat’spots. The ojyar give-and-take consequently focused on what precisely Gafita told them to do. The give-and-take started when Gafita was asked to explicate what he had done. Gafita responded “I haven’t done anything” too started to explicate precisely what happened. 1 day, gajyopa, who was inwards the opalug grade, spent the nighttime at the hut of Gafita’s wife’s classificatory missy inwards Gafita’s compound. In the morning, Gajyopa met Gafita inwards the yard too asked him which pot should hold out used for the bingar (see Table 2). “Terume (another opalug boy) says that they are preparing the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot. But don’t nosotros take hold to prepare the imbibe inwards cow’s pot?” Gafita responded:
"i do non know well. nosotros used to prepared the imbibe inwards goat’s pots before.
But it’s yous who wanted to alter the systems. For your banin (Table
2), people prepared the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. itam was criticized harshly
because he had prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Watraxunume (Table 2) for
yous every bit good it was inwards a cow’s pot that people prepared the drink. This
fourth dimension yous must also prepare inwards a cow’s pot. But if the others prepare it
inwards a goat’s pot yous had amend follow the others. go too cheque inwards which
pot they are going to prepare the drink."
Then Gajyopa left. Until the hateful solar daytime described inwards this instance study, Gafita did non know virtually the problem. But when he arrived, he learned that others had been maxim that he had ordered the opalug men to prepare the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot.
After listening to Gafita’s explanation, ii ojyar men delivered opposing views. One was Gajyopa’s classificatory brother. He criticized Gafita for citing the words of Gajyopa’s mother, or his classificatory mother. According to him, Gajyopa’s woman bring upwards said that Gafita had told the opalug men to prepare the drink
inwards a goat’s pot. The other speaker had a blood brother inwards opalug grade. he criticized Gafita for citing the words of 1 opalug man. when the atonbanyawon was held for his blood brother inwards the opalug grade, he heard 1 opalug homo tell that Gafita had ordered that the imbibe hold out prepared inwards a goat’s pot. So his blood brother prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Both of these ii ojyar men criticized Gafita for speaking for 1 of the members of their “lineages” or athiran. Therefore, divergence inwards “lineage” or athirans created opposition betwixt members of the same age-grade inwards this case.
One homo changed the administration of this give-and-take des sourds (discussion betwixt deaf people). he had been initiated before than the other members too was considered (or at to the lowest degree conducted himself as) a leader. he said:
"They [opalug men] tell a lie. Gafita may take hold said, “We prepared
it inwards goat’s pots”, but he had simply shown an example. he didn’t tell
them to prepare it inwards a goat’s pot. For the electrical current opalug’s banin and
watraxunume, people prepared some imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. They just
wanted to blame it on Gafita to avoid responsibility.
They used to prepare the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. why do they non know
only this fourth dimension inwards which pot to prepare the drink?
It is non Gafita who is wrong. It’s opalug who prepared the imbibe in
a goat’s pot solely this time. it is their problem, non ours. All nosotros do is to
acquire our share. From the side yesteryear side distribution of imbibe they volition have what
novel opalug obtain. But because they prepared it inwards a goat’s pot this
time, novel oplug volition prepare it inwards a goat’s pot too so on downwards the line.
it agency that they volition non hold out able to have much drink. Anyway it is
non our problem."
His words resolved the confrontation betwixt Gafita too the ii men speaking for members of their “lineage” or athiran. instead, he made a novel confrontation betwixt ii age-grades – the ojyar too opalug. This instance suggests that the age-grade scheme functions to resolve confrontations betwixt “lineages” or
athiran.
Read to a greater extent than yesteryear click here:http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
farther readings:www.haujournal.org/index.php/hau/article/download/138/207
BASSARI COUNTRY: BASSARI, FULA AND BEDIK CULTURAL LANDSCAPES (SENEGAL)
Website Category: Traditional Cultural Landscapes
Area: approx 503 km2
Inscribed: 2012
Criteria: (iii) cultural tradition (v) interaction with the environment (vi) association with belief system
Location too Values: Bassari Country is located inwards the south-western corner of Senegal, betwixt Niokolo-Koba National Park (world heritage site) too the Guinean border, lying to the W of Kedougou town. It occupies dry out deciduous woodland inwards the northern foothills of the Fouta Djallon massif, closed to the headwaters of the Republic of The Gambia River.
Bassari initiation mask
Designated every bit a cultural landscape, the site reflects the different ways 3 culturally-distinct groups of people take hold adapted to their natural environment. Each of these groups – the Bassari, Fula too Bedik peoples – arrived inwards the expanse at different times betwixt the 11th and 19thcenturies, establishing their settlements inwards the hills. These settlements provided defensible vantage points overlooking the plains below, too were made upwards of groups of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. The expanse remains remote too many of the cultural adaptations of the people, including their agro-pastoral, social, ritual too spiritual practices persist to this day. The pattern of settlement has changed however, with many of the ancient villages used solely periodically for ritual ceremonies too festivals
The public heritage site comprises 3 geographically separate localities, each of which is populated principally yesteryear people of a specific tribe (although today at that spot is considerable inter-mixing of peoples). The centre of the kickoff such area, Bandafassi lies virtually twenty km W of Kedougou town too is mainly occupied yesteryear Bedik people, with dense groups of huts too steep thatched roofs. About 50 km farther W is the Salemata area, inhabited mainly yesteryear Bassari people whose agro-pastoral landscape is characterised yesteryear terraces too rice paddies. The tertiary area, Dindefflo lies against the Guinean border virtually twenty km S of Bandafassi, too is mainly a Fula-populated area.
Slideshow of Bassari Country: The slideshow starts with a thought of the Bedik hamlet of Ethiowar too and so shows three satellite images of the Salemata expanse from Google Earth, illustrating the layout of Bassari settlements with the typical vegetation too topography of the area.
The side yesteryear side few photos show the different types of traditional houses, with examples of Bedik, Fula too Bassari-style dwellings, too so some tradional masked dances, every bit good every bit some caves too waterfalls at Dindefflo too Afia.
Additional landscapes are shown, before finishing the slideshow with a series of farther satellite images from the Salemata area, ii satellite images of Bandafassi Peul (the largest village) too a hazy view of the Dindefflo expanse (centred on the location of the Dindefflo waterfalls). Thanks to Sebastien Moriset, Mamadou Seya Ndiaye too Google public for contributing this illuminating series of photos
Google public View: To thought satellite imagery of Bassari Country on Google Earth, click here. This opens a novel window, so when yous are finished, simply closed the Google public page too yous volition hold out direct dorsum hither to go along browsing. The window opens onto a skilful icon of the hamlet of Bandafassi Peul, at the eastern cease of the Bandafassi factor of the site. Unfortunately most of the images of this expanse too the whole of the Dindefflo expanse are lacking definition, making it hard to distinguish private homesteads too the organization of settlements. Better images of the Salemata expanse tin hold out seen (as shown inwards the slideshow above).
Bassari tribe initiates,Kedougou, Senegal
The Bassari people telephone telephone themselves "Alian (a-liyan)," a someone from Bassari tribe is called "bulian (bi-layan)," too refer to their linguistic communication every bit "o-niyan." The designation “Bassari” seems to hold out of Manding origin. Ferry
(99: 4), citing Tauxier, presented the next etymological tradition for this word. After arriving inwards the region, the Fula people asked the Manding who the alian were. The manding answered inwards their language, “They are lizards [basa].”
Bassari people,Senegal
Currently the Tenda-speaking Bassari`s population is estimated to hold out virtually 38,000 with 16,000 people living inwards Senegal, 15,500 inwards Guinea, 500 inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau too some pocket-size numbers scattered inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari boy,Guinea
Location
The Bassari people of Senegal are located inwards Southeast, Upper Casamance, Eden area; border areas, Kedougou, Tambacounda (Source: Ethnologue 2010).
Bassari adult woman too her baby,Guinea. Kaolack
In senegal, the territory inhabited yesteryear the Bassari is administratively classified every bit the Région de Tambacounda, Département de Kédougou, Arrondissement de Salémata.
Bassari settlement,Kédougou,Senegal
Since the belatedly 1950s, the Bassari take hold been migrating to large cities inwards Senegal, including Kédougou too Tambacounda. Some Bassari people take hold lived inwards these cities for a long time.
In Guinea, they are located inwards the Koundara part too simply about Youkounkoun, extending to the border of Senegal. Bassari inwards Republic of Guinea Bissau are generally located inwards the northeast of the the world whilst some aggregate portion also resides inwards the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari missy initiates,Sanegal
Language
Bassari people speaks a Tenda linguistic communication known every bit Oniyan (Onian, Onëyan, Ayan, Biyan, Wo). It is a Senegambian linguistic communication which belongs to the larger Niger-Congo linguistic communication group. Bassari is spoken inwards Senegal, Guinea, Republic of Guinea Bissau too inwards some parts of the Republic of The Gambia too Mauritania.
Bassari woman,Guinea
Examples:
Oniyan English
faba “father”
numa “mother”
ashinyuun “my son”
abionun “my daughter”
abaie “my sibling”,
History
The Bassari arrived inwards their expanse of line of piece of job betwixt the 11th too 19th centuries, establishing their settlements inwards the hills. Judging from their call "basa" which agency "They are lizards," given to them yesteryear Manding people inwards an reply to Fulani peoples` query, 1 tin clearly brand a deduction that the Bassari came to run across these ii tribes every bit good every bit other Tenda people.
Bassari people,Senegal. Circa 1960
Oral history with Bassari claim that the Bunang are considered the oldest nung (family). People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers.
The bassari settlements on the hills provided defensible vantage points overlooking the plains below, too were made upwards of groups of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. The expanse remains remote too many of the cultural adaptations of the people, including their agro-pastoral, social, ritual, too spiritual practices, persist to this day.
Bassari people,Guinea. circa 1970
Economy
Bassari are cultivators! They are agro-pastoralist. they are farmers. They grow a variety of crops, using rattling basic tools. Their staple crops are millets degaf (Sorghum vulgare), earthpeas (also called Bambara groundnut) uyal (Voandzeia subterranea), peanuts utika (Arachis hypogaea), corn maka (Zea maïs), rice malu (Oryza sativa), fonio millet funyan (Digitaria exilis) too manioc.
However, squash, melons, sweetness potatoes, peppers, too tomatoes are also grown. Major tree crops include bananas, coconuts, mangoes, too papayas. They heighten cattle, sheep, too goats but do non usage their milk.
Dogs too chickens are seen inwards almost every village. They also engage inwards fishing, hunting, too beekeeping, amidst other activities. Hunting is of less importance than agriculture, but at that spot is considerable gathering of wild fruits too roots, berries, too nuts (kola, shea, too palm).
Socio-political construction too culture
They alive inwards extended theater unit of measurement compounds, each consisting of a cluster of huts commonly arranged inwards a circle simply about an opened upwards space. Often, the entire chemical compound is surrounded yesteryear a fence, a hedge, or a wall.
Bassari man
The compounds commonly adjoin to shape compact villages. In general, the dwellings are circular with mud walls too cone-shaped, thatched roofs. However, many local variations exist.
Bassari women initiates
In the community men hunt, fish, clear the land, too tend the cattle. The women do the gathering too assist inwards the agricultural work. Chiefs exercise political potency inwards the villages. Succession commonly passes to the side yesteryear side blood brother or to the oldest boy of the deceased chief's oldest sister.
Circumcision of males is practiced too some woman someone circumcision is also continued. These practices are mainly associated with initiation ceremonies at puberty, too typically involve a catamenia of instruction inwards an isolated "bush school."
They tolerate premarital sexual liberty for girls too prefer cousins every bit spousal human relationship partners. H5N1 bride-price inwards livestock, commonly pigs, is paid, too often, premarital bride-service is also required. Polygyny (having to a greater extent than than 1 wife) occurs to solely a limited extent. In such cases, however, each married adult woman has her ain hut, too the hubby spends a fixed catamenia with each on a rotation basis.
Bassari adult woman washing
Bassari adult woman too child
DESCENT GROUPS AND The AGE-GRADE SYSTEM AMONG BASSARI PEOPLE
Descent groups
Bassari guild is matrilineal, too ii words inwards the Bassari linguistic communication interpret to “matrilineal descent group”: "nung" too "athiran." In Bassari the word nung derives from a word pregnant “stem of a busy yam” (Dioscorea praehensilis). According Bassari people, the morphology of the busy yam, which has solely 1 root but many leaves, resembles a nung. The word athiran derives from a word pregnant “belly.”
Nung.
Bassari initiate
Although at that spot may hold out some regional variation, 7 nungs be inwards Senegalese Bassari villages: Benjya, Bouban, Bijyar, Bunang, Bangar, Bies, too Biyahanthi. People are automatically affiliated with their mother’s nung after birth, too members of each nung alive separately inside the Bassari villages. H5N1 nung is non an exogamic group. As a group, a nung does non possess whatsoever property, such every bit land, but some nungs do play a specific role inwards society. In edane, the hamlet principal is selected from the Bijyar men. Onuma, who are
responsible for age-grade activities, are selected from the Bunang men, piece the leader of the initiation guild is selected from Buban men.
The Bunang are special amidst the nungs. Although historical evidence is lacking,the Bunang are considered the oldest nung. People tell that the Bunang ain all Bassari land. some also fearfulness the Bunang, who they believe possess supernatural powers. Non-Bunang people are unwilling to wed a Bunang. People also tell that speaking evil of, or initiating a struggle with, Bunang people is uncommon. Note that solely the Bunang nung
take hold these characteristics, non the other nungs. inwards other words, the Bunang are unique amidst the nungs. Differentiating the other nungs is to a greater extent than hard because their differences are non so clear. For example, the Bies too the Buban seem different solely inwards name.
Bassari initiates,Guinea
Athiran
Athiran literally agency “belly”. different nungs, athirans are exogamic groups. Proper names do non be for specific athirans. when asked to seat the members of his athiran, 1 homo recounted solely the names of his mother’s children.
Then asked if his mother’s sister’s children are inwards his athiran, he said yes. when asked if his mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s children are members of his athiran, he responded, “well, they are non members of my athiran. Athiran are people who were born from the same belly. so my mother’s sister’s children are non the members of my athiran, either.” click hither for a table:normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
Age-grade system
In Bassari society, men too women who are considered mature plenty affiliate with an age-grade (anjex) too have roles, duties, too prerogatives associated with that age-grade. some age-grades engage inwards diverse types of communal labor, which helps those who demand assistance, too the laborers afterward have payment inwards sorghum beer or honey-based alcohol. The age-grade members portion the imbibe with other villagers. Both the labor too the imbibe are called atonbanyawon.
Bassari initiate fights to justify their manhood
The relationships of some age-grades are conceptualized yesteryear kin terms (Table 1 identifies manful someone too woman someone age-grades). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are called faba (father). Men affiliated with the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are called ashinyuun (my son). Women affiliated with the age-grade instantly higher upwards one’s age-grade are numa (mother), too those inwards the age-grade instantly below one’s age-grade are abionun (my daughter). people ii grades higher upwards or below are syatya (. As inwards kin relations, faba strictly supervise ashinyuun too volition punish ashinyuun for committing errors. Numa are less strict than faba, but abionun are expected to honour numa. Syatya relationships are to a greater extent than friendly, indulgent, too at ease. Like existent syatya, they tin joke with each other.
Bassari woman
Other terms also stand upwards for the relationships of age-grades. Two people affiliated with the same degree telephone telephone 1 some other banjex. This appellation applies fifty-fifty betwixt men too women. people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth telephone telephone each other initya. Two persons who slept on the same bed inwards the communal hut [ambofor] during their initiation catamenia telephone telephone each other ingawon. Men telephone telephone women affiliated to the age-grade instantly higher upwards their age-grade inbanira too vise versa. on many occasions, they trip the lite fantastic together.
Age-grade relationships are superposed on kin relations. For example, all women who affiliate to one’s mother’s age-grade are called numa, too the children of someone who affiliates to the age-grade instantly below are called syatya.
Bassari initiates
Table 1. Age-grades
Male age-grade Female age-grade
buhark (sing: ahark)
odepeka (sing:endepeka)
buhark (sing:ahark) odoir (sing: endoir)
okotok (sing:ekotok) odosebkebatya (sing:endsebkebatya)
opidor (sing:epidor) odebatya (sing:endebatya)
ojyar (sing:enjyar) odojyar (sing:endjyar)
odug (sing:lug) ododug (sing:endodug)
odumuta (sing:lumuta)
odinguta (sing:ringuta)
A. Odinguta too Odumuta
H5N1 boy’s kickoff age-grade is odinguta. when he is considered mature enough, the boy’s elderberry neighborhood friends invite him to pass the nighttime at the communal hut. gessain wrote that this happens when the man child is virtually 8 years old (gessain, 97). The odinguta man child is too so slapped on his dorsum 4 times with the palm of a hand. he is also circumcised during the odinguta. After circumcision he enters the odumuta age-grade. To hold out odumuta, his dorsum has to hold out slapped yesteryear an odumuta man child twice with the palm of a manus too whipped ii or to a greater extent than times with a tree branch.
The boys of this age-grade perform a trip the lite fantastic called the odumuta inwards the dry out flavor (Figs. 4 & 5). The nighttime before the egub – 1 of the communal labors inwards which 1 villager engages the laborers to harvest millet inwards central for imbibe given instantly after the piece of job – the odumuta boys facilitate the harvest yesteryear pushing downwards the millet stems. The audio of their flutes, known every bit atywloti, tin hold out heard the nighttime before the egub. Although these activities are non considered atonbanyawon, the odumuta must sometimes perform atonbanyawon labor.
After initiation, the age-grade scheme becomes of import for defining private acts. Clearly, at that spot are some hierarchical differences betwixt odumta too odinguta, but their members are classified every bit non-initiated boys(7) who do non take hold much work. After ii or 3 years every bit odumuta, the boys undergo an initiation ceremony too acquire adults. To undergo initiation, a man child must hold out considered mature enough, too and so his parents must prepare for his initiation. fifty-fifty if a manful someone bring upwards thinks that his boy is non mature plenty or that he cannot afford to prepare for the initiation ceremony, his boy or his married adult woman volition oft forcefulness him to take hold the boy undergo the initiation ceremony. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, the boy may take hold to sentry someone acquire circumcised the same hateful solar daytime every bit him, or fifty-fifty after him, inwards monastic tell to undergo initiation.
Bassari man
The woman bring upwards oft takes compassion on her boy too asks his manful someone bring upwards to prepare for the initiation. if the manful someone bring upwards soundless refuses, a boy may seek assist from his ayuun or someone else of his “lineage”. About 10 days before the initiation ceremony, those who volition hold out initiated get down to alive at the location of the initiation ceremony [angol]. 1 year, an odumuta man child told me that he would non undergo initiation. i recounted the story to the boy’s elderberry brother, who explained to me that, “even if yous want to undergo initiation, too fifty-fifty if yous know that this twelvemonth yous volition hold out initiated, when asked, yous may reply negatively. yous experience shy [asyuxun] if someone thinks that yous hurry to undergo initiation.” yet, inwards reality, boys are inwards a hurry to hold out initiated. (An elderly homo blamed this rush yesteryear boys too their mothers on the declining difficulty of the initiation, maxim that the novel initiates are beaten less than before.) 1 man child wrote a missive of the alphabet to his parents who were living inwards Tambacounda at the fourth dimension too asked me to give it to them. inwards the letter, he expressed a strong want to hold out initiated too defendant his parents of inaction. They were aware of his wish, he said. some boys are so determined that they deal to undergo initiation without parental permission. After the initiation, the newly minted men acquire into the odug grade. Although the timing of initiation is said to depend on private maturity, the relationships amidst individuals before initiation are also of import factors.
In Edane too most other villages, people alter their degree every 6 years. This alter is marked yesteryear ekapa, inwards which opalug men are hitting yesteryear ojyar men ii times with a whip made from a branch of an angwara (unidentified) tree. The latest alter of degree occurred inwards october 2003. inwards egun village, however, people alter their degree every 24 years, starting from the tertiary degree after initiation to the fourth. so people belong to the tertiary degree of 6, 2, 8, 24 years, depending on the individual.(0) when i visited egun, almost all of the
men i met belonged to the tertiary degree after initiation [ojyar]. initiation takes seat almost every 2 years, too people alter grades every 6 years. without other rules, this procedure powerfulness drive problems. someone powerfulness solely hold out an odug twelvemonth before moving upwards a grade. To avoid this, someone initiated after the eiyuk trip the lite fantastic of the opalug degree – which occurs on the 5th twelvemonth of a 6-year interval – volition hold out an “initiated odumuta” [odumuta onithinithi] until people alter age-grades, instead of entering the odug degree instantly after initiation. Thus, boys initiated inwards 2002 were odumuta onithinithi until the hateful solar daytime of age-grade alter inwards 2003. when everyone moved upwards a grade, they entered the odug grade.
Clearly, non all people who belong to the same age-grade undergo initiation together. There are ii or 3 “groups of initiation” per age-grade. except for the fact that people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth tin telephone telephone 1 some other “initya”, no divergence exists betwixt members of an age-grade. There is no proper request people who take hold undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth – who may hold out called an “age-set”. The full general term to refer to a grouping that has undergone initiation inwards the same twelvemonth is anutya. however, this word
implies “initiated boys who take hold non yet formally entered the odug grade.” This grouping retains no significance after odug.
As mentioned above, odinguta too odumuta take hold few roles, duties, or prerogatives before initiation. initiation makes a man child a man. having entered the oduggrade, a homo is given several roles too must perform many atywuin. Villagers who beak French interpret this word every bit “coutume” (meaning “custom” inwards English). Nolan (1986: 28) defined atywuin every bit “a complex wheel of obligatory rituals, ordeals too communal labor tasks”. According to an informant of gessain (97: 6), atywuin is “all things that 1 is obliged to do from childhood to old historic catamenia too that the old take hold done before yous for a long time.” 1 someone i spoke with described it every bit “something that makes yous tired”. Here, the word is defined every bit “the things that people must do because they belong to an age-grade.” hereafter, I usage coutume to hateful atywuin. neither circumcision nor initiation is classified every bit coutume because the accomplishment of these events depends on the maturity of the individual. Basically coutume involve atonbanyawon (communal work). For example, when an age-grade trip the lite fantastic is performed, the imbibe obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon is shared.
Table 2 lists the coutume of each age-grade. The next department identifies the age-grade characteristics.
Table 2 coutume of each historic catamenia group
Male age-grade female age-grade
Odug odoodug
1) rhanokathie
2) opinbi
3) watruxunume
opalug odoopalug
1) ohamana
2) owda ; at that spot are ii types
a. owdaola too banuma
b. owdaola too othengushe
3) lid
4) bundjyar
5) shyahis
6) banin
7) eiyuk
8) banin
9) nywkrend
10) bingar
11) ipesyan
12) ekapa
13) ekosyu
ojyar odojyar
1)odubutya
okotok odebatya
1) banbar 1) indanin 2) andebar
3) angain
4) osapar
5) anewa
opidor odosebkebatya
cypher special 1) eiyuk
buhark odoir
nothing special cypher special
odepeka
1) ohamana
buhark
nothing special
B. Odug
1 of the most obvious changes after entering the odug degree is the way of greetings, which changes from unproblematic to complex. Odug are permitted to take hold sexual relations with women, too inwards the rainy flavor odug tin accept component inwards ofna or communal labor. Odinguta or odumuta are non allowed to participate inwards this sort of communal labor inwards which villagers needing assist invite the communal laborers to piece of job for them inwards central for drink. Odug are also permitted to acquire axore too to dance, attaching leaves of a palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer) to whatsoever component of their body. Axore is a sort of Bassari mask that French-speaking Bassari refer to every bit “type-contraire” (contrary person).
In Bassari society, some verbal expressions tin hold out used solely yesteryear initiated men. Odug, for example, tin usage an human face “yathingiri (serious)” or a call named etar (see Table 3). Furthermore, odug must assist with agricultural labor for the hamlet chief. This labor is called apunan, too the principal does non demand to furnish drink. Odug men performing axore piece of job on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. Because axore workers are considered the children of the hamlet chief, odug who piece of job every bit axore tin consume anything inwards the chief’s acre on the hateful solar daytime of apunan. During the apunan inwards october 2003, the axore ate so much corn that the chief’s married adult woman became angry too yelled at them. This apunan does non seem to count every bit coutume. when i asked an elderly homo what coutume he did every bit an odug, he answered, patently forgetting the skilful bargain of coutume he did, that “if atonbanyawon of rhanokathie (see Table 2) has passed, [there is] solely atonbanywon of apunan. it is non coutume. it is something to enjoy.” “People take hold to do apunan for a hamlet principal who has done a lot of things for his village. people do non take hold to do apunan for a principal who has non done anything, similar the electrical current edane chief.” The apunanmentioned higher upwards was deliberately planned to coincide with the chief’s corn beingness well-ripened too ready to eat. In this case, the apunan was non considered coutume.
Every twelvemonth after the harvest, inwards Dec or January, the Bassari concur the ofelar festival. Ofelar literally translates every bit “say each other”, which to the Bassari agency “say goodbye to each other”. The ofelar festival also does non seem to hold out considered coutume too thence carries no obligation. But it is organized yesteryear odug, who portion the atonbanyawon work.
The odug degree must achieve the next coutume:
(1) rhanokathie
This coutume involves the annunciation that the degree is “forming a novel grade”, giving imbibe to the elders [buhark], too vi atonbanyawon.
(2) opinbi
This is the call of 1 of the odug dances, too the solely occasion inwards Bassari guild inwards which the xylophone is played (see Table 4). The opinbi trip the lite fantastic has non been performed inwards etyolo or ekes for a long time. Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted to obtain imbibe that volition hold out distributed on the trip the lite fantastic day.
(3) watraxunume
Odug piece of job to acquire drinks to give to opalug who take hold completed their shyahis (the “clearing”; watch below). Twelve atonbanyawon are conducted.
C. Opalug
Those entering the opalug degree are allowed to attach a bell [ohamana] to their body. During the kickoff month, opalug take hold to habiliment a belt made of palmyra palm leaves too the ohamana bell when they go out their homes. Like odug, they tin acquire axore too trip the lite fantastic with masks. But they tin trip the lite fantastic solely at the festival organized at the chief’s home. They cannot trip the lite fantastic when festivals are organized inwards other places. inwards 2000, villagers organized a festival to accolade me, but they planned to concur it at my host’s house. Thus, the opalug did non take hold the correct to dance. An opalug proposed that dancing to music from a cassette deck could accept seat slightly apart from the festival location. That is, my festival could hold out held inwards ii separate locations. But this proposal was non approved yesteryear elders, who maintained that opalug tin solely trip the lite fantastic at the chief’s home.
At the initiation ceremony, opalug trip the lite fantastic the okerehe from the minute hateful solar daytime to the finally hateful solar daytime (Fig. 6 & Table 4).
During the finally 2 years of opalug, ingesting dear is prohibited from september to December. The Bassari believe that an opalug volition boot the bucket if he does non uncovering this prohibition. Then 1 hateful solar daytime inwards December, opalug men accept imbibe to the seat of the eldest homo inwards the village.(5) inwards his yard, a makeshift chair made of bamboo is erected, too every opalug sits on it. The eldest homo drinks H2O with dear before squirting it inwards the human face of the opalug men too making them imbibe it. The dear prohibition is thence removed. Then, the imbibe brought
yesteryear the opalug is shared yesteryear those inwards attendance. This procedure is called ambisya.
Bassari woman someone initiates
Table 4
Dance age-grade accorded
odumuta odumuta
opinbi odug
okerehe opalug
atyumura ojyar/odebatya
epeka odepeka
Bassari men preparing for initiation
Opalug must achieve the follows coutume:
(1) ohamana
To obtain permission to attach the ohamana (bell) to the body, opalug perform vi atonbanyawon.
(2) owda
There are ii kinds of owda:
(a) owdaola or banuma
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to the onuma. (who are reponsible for age-grade activities)
(b) owdaola or othengushe
Atonbanyawon is conducted to give drinks to each fellow member of the buhark grade.
(3) lid
Six atonbanyawon are conducted each twelvemonth for 2 years. The imbibe obtained is taken to the seat where the initiation ceremony is held [angol] too given to the elders. Opalug do non take hold the correct to imbibe this alcohol.
(4) bundojyar
Atonbanyawon is conducted to obtain drinks for distribution during the ojyar dance.
(5) shyahis
This refers to “clearing”. Opalug inwards edane, ekes, too etyolo go to a clearing located inwards engisara to dance. As mentioned above, the odug must do the watraxunume coutume after the shyahis. if they want to, odug men tin make opalug degree yesteryear participating inwards the shyahis. This is a sort of “grade-skipping”
However, no 1 inwards edane did this. 1 homo wanted to, but the opalug men refused. when asked for a reason, 1 opalug homo said, “he had non accomplished a lot of coutume”, piece some other said, “he was soundless a child.” In contrast, inwards etywunungol, virtually 45 km W of edane, i found that many boys
“grade-skipped” after participating inwards the shyahis.
(6) banin
As component of the shyahis, opalug go to Engisara playing flutes [atywloti] too bells called the banin. They perform atonbanyawon to pay the “usage charge” for this banin.
(7) eiyuk
Opalug inwards 4 villages (edane, ekes, eganga, too epenge) piece of job together during the year. They perform a trip the lite fantastic called the eiyuk on the hateful solar daytime the imbibe they obtained is distributed.
(8) banin
vi atonbanyawon are conducted to pay a “usage charge” for the banin bells used at the eiyuk dance.
(9) nywkrendAtonbanyawon is conducted too the imbibe received is distributed betwixt edane too ekes. on this day, they create upwards one's take heed when to concur bingar.
(10) bingar
The oplaug inwards edane too ekes perform atonbanyawon, kickoff at the homes of onuma (who are responsible for age-grade activities). The onuma do non need
to furnish imbibe inwards central for the opalug’s work. Then, they piece of job for someone needing assist for 2 or 4 days. when going to or from an atonbanyawon, they must avoid coming together whatsoever odug. if they meet, the opalug take hold to insult odug. When asked virtually the significance of this act, 1 opalug homo said, “we found it similar this [ako suk kumi]”, pregnant that this custom had already existed when he was born, too thence he did non know its significance. Ojyar trip the lite fantastic on the hateful solar daytime imbibe is distributed. Opalug go to a seat called the yare to written report the
trip the lite fantastic performed on the ekapa day. inwards the past, it appears that opalug used to hold out hitting with whips on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar.
D. Ojyar
For the ojyar, at that spot are no atonbanyowon defined yesteryear coutume. However, ojyar assume many roles, including washing too burying the dead, announcing information to the villagers, too distributing imbibe (Fig. 7). They also take hold the correct to perform the atywumura dance. They volition no longer acquire axore (contrary person) yesteryear attaching leaves of the palmyra palm at the chief’s home. instead, they assume novel tasks, such every bit taking attention of novel initiates every bit odubutya, some other sort of axore.
On the hateful solar daytime of ofna (communal labor), an ojyar tin participate inwards the distribution of imbibe fifty-fifty if he has done no piece of job during the day. Ojyar are expected to send a cup. when i was an ojyar too without a cup, i was gently teased: “why don’t yous take hold a loving cup fifty-fifty though yous are ojyar?!” Villagers explicate the loving cup carrying yesteryear maxim that ojyar are likewise old to imbibe the distributed beverages inwards 1 gulp. Taking a loving cup to the seat where the imbibe volition hold out shared used to hold out a perk allowed solely for ojyar too above, but at nowadays fifty-fifty odug too opalug accept a cup. moreover, ojyar are supposed to hold out married, too so they are allowed to convey a container (called akaons, or inwards French, bidon [flask]) to accept imbibe dorsum home.
E. Okotok
Okotok may derive from the verb axot, which agency “to finish”. That is, they take hold finished all of the coutume too take hold no atonbanyawon defined yesteryear coutume. But they take hold to human activity every bit banbar, a sort of axore, at the initiation ceremony.
F. Opidor
Except for assuming a role during imbibe distribution,(8) opidor take hold no special roles or duties.
G. Buhark
People who goal opidor tin hold out called anywparang (pl. enywparang) for the kickoff 6 years. But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt anywparang too the other buhark. After opidor, all men are collectively called buhark. They take hold finished all the tasks.
B’ Odoodug
Women also acquire into the age-grade system. when considered mature enough, a girl’s neighborhood friends invite her to top the nighttime at communal hut. she thence enters the odoodug grade. But for the kickoff component of the 6 years, the girls are non actual odoodug because they are solely children 3 to 4 years of age. Upon reaching 6 or 7 years old, they get down to slumber at the communal hut.
C’ Odoopalug
When the ekapa coutume, which marks the alter of age-grades, is performed, odoodug acquire odoopalug. etymologically, Odopalug powerfulness hateful “for opalug”, too the girls inwards this degree do atonbanyawon communal labor with their banjex (i.e., opalug boys). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 of the Bassari masks called the odinir too tin accept part inwards ofna (communal labor). And almost all girls undergo excision, ohathi, piece inwards this grade.
D’ Odojyar
There is no noticeable divergence betwixt odoopalug too odojyar. Although their banjex (ojyar men) are relieved from atonbanyawon, they assist with the atonbanyawon of the opalug. piece inwards this grade, some girls may take hold their kickoff child.
E’ Odebatya
Almost all women acquire married during this period. Odebatya women tin vocalize the ebatya call (see Table 3). Odebatya agency “for ebatya”; that is, “those who tin call ebatya.” During the minute year, the women undergo the indaninceremony inwards the rainy season. solely women know precisely what happens during this ceremony. Elderly women accept the participants to mbon for undercover activities, including activities with the women’s babies. This suggests that women are expected to bear children prior to participating inwards the indanin.
After the indanin, they tin pronounce the eiei too etyokan cries. These cries are used to “cheer masks up”. After indanin, they tin also trip the lite fantastic the atywumura trip the lite fantastic (see Table 4).
Odebatya must achieve the next coutume:
(1) indanin
The odebatya consummate 28 atonbanyawon to obtain drinks for the indanin ceremony. inwards etyolo, the indanin seems to hold out called the dyanelimo.
(2) andebar
The odebatya inwards edane too ekes perform the andebar, for which they do vi atonbanyawon inwards the kickoff year, 5 inwards the minute year, 4 inwards the tertiary year, too so on until finally atonbanyawon inwards the 6th year.
(3) angain
For the angain, the odepeka perform the epeka trip the lite fantastic for the kickoff time. Drink distributed on this hateful solar daytime is obtained yesteryear the odebatya’s atonbanyawon.
(4) osapar
This word may hateful “foot”. Odebatya give drinks obtained yesteryear atonbanyawon to the women who took them to mbon for the indanin.
F’ Odosebkebatya
This word may etymologically hateful “those who halt crying ebatya”. For the odosebkebatya, participants are allowed to trip the lite fantastic the eiyuk. however, inwards edane, the finally ii age-grades take hold non danced the eiyuk. This custom powerfulness hold out disappearing.
G’ Odoir
Women inwards this degree tin accept a container to ofna (communal labor).
H’ Odepeka
Like ojyar men, women inwards this degree assume many roles. They launder the bodies of dead women, denote information to villagers, too distribute drinks obtained yesteryear the atonbanyawon of woman someone age-grades, amidst other responsibilities.
If the odebatya consummate the indanin ceremony, the odepeka tin too so trip the lite fantastic the epeka dance. They are prohibited from speaking too grin when they are dancing the epeka (Fig. 8). They trip the lite fantastic with 1 Bassari mask called an olukuta.
The odepeka must achieve the ohamana coutume, described below.
(1) ohamana
The odepeka do vi atonbanyawon every bit a “usage charge” for the ohanana, which takes seat when they trip the lite fantastic the epeka.
I’ Buhark
After odepeka, women tin hold out called odosebpeka for 6 years. This term literally translates every bit “those who halt dancing epeka.” But, except for the name, at that spot is no divergence betwixt them too other buhark. Buhark tin hold out translated every bit “the old” too refers to those who take hold finished all their tasks.
Whereas the names odoodug, odoopalug, too odojyar derive from the names of manful someone age-grades, the names given to the age-grade from the odebatya degree onward derive from the characteristics of each age-grade. Further, from the odebatya degree onward, at that spot are special coutume for woman someone age-grades. These factors suggest that women effectively acquire into the age-grade scheme from the odebatya grade.
Once again, circumcision, excision, kid birth, marriage, too initiation are non considered criteria for the coutume categories. These activities depend on the perceived bird of private maturity. Thus, these activities may take hold a different rootage from the age-grade scheme too may take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension than the age-grade system. Likewise, because the 6-year-interval scheme varies across regions, this scheme may also take hold been introduced into Bassari guild at a different fourth dimension from (perhaps after) the age-grade scheme itself.
Bassari adult woman initiate
Function of the Age-Grade System
when asked why the age-grade scheme exists, 1 opalug homo answered, “To honour each other.” he too so continued, “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others. As nosotros take hold the age-grade system, nosotros tin larn from the elders what to do for each coutume too how to live. The age-grade is something similar a school.” Hawthorne (998) called the age-grade scheme a “cross-cutting institution” too noted that the age-grade scheme links people across the divides of descent groups. This “cross-cutting” explanation seems to mesh with that explanation yesteryear the opalug homo (i.e., “if it were non for the age-grade system, people would demeanor every bit they want too would non recall virtually the others”).
Bassari iniates dancers
The age-grade scheme indeed does seem to link people across the divides of descent groups. H5N1 give-and-take I observed inwards october 2003 inwards edane highlights the functions of the age-grade system. This give-and-take took seat amidst members of the ojyar degree on the hateful solar daytime of distribution of the atonbanyawon imbibe obtained through opalug work. The imbibe was obtained for the bingar (see Table 2).
Case I
Villagers tell that on the hateful solar daytime of the bingar every bit good every bit the ekapa, ojyarmen used to whip opalug men, but at nowadays they take hold changed the system. now, instead of whipping opalug men, the ojyar forcefulness them to do atonbanyawon piece of job to acquire too distribute drink. They told the opalug to do 8 atonbanyawon – that is, to acquire 8 pots of drink. The opalugbrought 8 pots to the seat where the imbibe would hold out distributed, but
the size of the pots was smaller than expected. when the electrical current ojyarwere opalug, those enlisting the assist of the opalug degree had to compensate them with imbibe inwards a medium-sized pot called a bandobeti (goat’s).
But since the electrical current opalug entered this grade, people take hold to give imbibe inwards a large pot called a bandohei (cow’s). To obtain imbibe for this binger,some opalug men had to prepare the imbibe themselves. They brought the imbibe inwards goat’s pots, which prompted criticism. The opalug men defended themselves, maxim that Gafita, 1 of the ojyar, told them to prepare the imbibe inwards goat’spots. The ojyar give-and-take consequently focused on what precisely Gafita told them to do. The give-and-take started when Gafita was asked to explicate what he had done. Gafita responded “I haven’t done anything” too started to explicate precisely what happened. 1 day, gajyopa, who was inwards the opalug grade, spent the nighttime at the hut of Gafita’s wife’s classificatory missy inwards Gafita’s compound. In the morning, Gajyopa met Gafita inwards the yard too asked him which pot should hold out used for the bingar (see Table 2). “Terume (another opalug boy) says that they are preparing the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot. But don’t nosotros take hold to prepare the imbibe inwards cow’s pot?” Gafita responded:
"i do non know well. nosotros used to prepared the imbibe inwards goat’s pots before.
But it’s yous who wanted to alter the systems. For your banin (Table
2), people prepared the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. itam was criticized harshly
because he had prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Watraxunume (Table 2) for
yous every bit good it was inwards a cow’s pot that people prepared the drink. This
fourth dimension yous must also prepare inwards a cow’s pot. But if the others prepare it
inwards a goat’s pot yous had amend follow the others. go too cheque inwards which
pot they are going to prepare the drink."
Then Gajyopa left. Until the hateful solar daytime described inwards this instance study, Gafita did non know virtually the problem. But when he arrived, he learned that others had been maxim that he had ordered the opalug men to prepare the imbibe inwards a goat’s pot.
After listening to Gafita’s explanation, ii ojyar men delivered opposing views. One was Gajyopa’s classificatory brother. He criticized Gafita for citing the words of Gajyopa’s mother, or his classificatory mother. According to him, Gajyopa’s woman bring upwards said that Gafita had told the opalug men to prepare the drink
inwards a goat’s pot. The other speaker had a blood brother inwards opalug grade. he criticized Gafita for citing the words of 1 opalug man. when the atonbanyawon was held for his blood brother inwards the opalug grade, he heard 1 opalug homo tell that Gafita had ordered that the imbibe hold out prepared inwards a goat’s pot. So his blood brother prepared it inwards a goat’s pot. Both of these ii ojyar men criticized Gafita for speaking for 1 of the members of their “lineages” or athiran. Therefore, divergence inwards “lineage” or athirans created opposition betwixt members of the same age-grade inwards this case.
One homo changed the administration of this give-and-take des sourds (discussion betwixt deaf people). he had been initiated before than the other members too was considered (or at to the lowest degree conducted himself as) a leader. he said:
"They [opalug men] tell a lie. Gafita may take hold said, “We prepared
it inwards goat’s pots”, but he had simply shown an example. he didn’t tell
them to prepare it inwards a goat’s pot. For the electrical current opalug’s banin and
watraxunume, people prepared some imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. They just
wanted to blame it on Gafita to avoid responsibility.
They used to prepare the imbibe inwards a cow’s pot. why do they non know
only this fourth dimension inwards which pot to prepare the drink?
It is non Gafita who is wrong. It’s opalug who prepared the imbibe in
a goat’s pot solely this time. it is their problem, non ours. All nosotros do is to
acquire our share. From the side yesteryear side distribution of imbibe they volition have what
novel opalug obtain. But because they prepared it inwards a goat’s pot this
time, novel oplug volition prepare it inwards a goat’s pot too so on downwards the line.
it agency that they volition non hold out able to have much drink. Anyway it is
non our problem."
His words resolved the confrontation betwixt Gafita too the ii men speaking for members of their “lineage” or athiran. instead, he made a novel confrontation betwixt ii age-grades – the ojyar too opalug. This instance suggests that the age-grade scheme functions to resolve confrontations betwixt “lineages” or
athiran.
Read to a greater extent than yesteryear click here:http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/28-1/yamada.pdf
farther readings:www.haujournal.org/index.php/hau/article/download/138/207
BASSARI COUNTRY: BASSARI, FULA AND BEDIK CULTURAL LANDSCAPES (SENEGAL)
Website Category: http://www.africanworldheritagesites.org/cultural-places/traditional-cultural-landscapes/bassari-country-bassari-fula-and-bedik-cultural-landscapes-senegal.html
Bassari Country: Bassari, Fula too Bedik Cultural Landscapes
Brief Description
The site, located inwards south-east Senegal, includes 3 geographical areas: the Bassari–Salémata area, the Bedik–Bandafassi expanse too the Fula–Dindéfello area, each with its specific morphological traits. The Bassari, Fula too Bedik peoples settled from the 11th to the 19thcenturies too developed specific cultures too habitats symbiotic with their surrounding natural environment. The Bassari landscape is marked yesteryear terraces too rice paddies, interspersed with villages, hamlets too archaeological sites. The Bedik villages are formed yesteryear dense groups of huts with steep thatched roofs. Their inhabitants’ cultural expressions are characterized yesteryear master copy traits of agro-pastoral, social, ritual too spiritual practices, which stand upwards for an master copy response to environmental constraints too human pressures. The site is a well-preserved multicultural landscape housing master copy too soundless vibrant local cultures
Outstanding Universal Value
Brief synthesis
The cultural landscape of Bassari is located inwards south-eastern Senegal, closed to the Republic of Mali too Guinean borders, inwards a hilly territory, formed yesteryear the northern foothills of the Fouta Djallon Massif. Two distinct geographic environments characteristic the region: the alluvial acre too the peneplain to the N too the mountains to the south.
The onetime exhibit a mosaic of cultivated patches, pastures, bushes, the latter, relatively high too sheer, are dotted with several natural caves too take hold offered an environs peculiarly advantageous for the establishment of different cultural clusters too their defence. Archaeological evidences of early on human line of piece of job abound inwards the area. The belongings comprises 3 different geo-cultural areas: the Bassari – Salémata, the Bedik – Bandafassi too the Fula – Dindéfello areas, each exhibiting specific morphological too cultural traits. In this barely accessible region, but rich inwards natural resources too biodiversity, the Bassari, Fula too Bedik peoples settled too developed specific cultures, symbiotic with the surrounding natural environment.
Until the finally century, inhabited villages were grouped too located on rises, so every bit to command the plains, too consisted of circular thatched huts congregated simply about a cardinal space. Today dispersion too impermanence are the main traits of the Bassari settlements, the populations choosing to alive closed to the fields. Ancient villages are nowadays used solely periodically for ritual ceremonies or festivals.
The belongings too its associated cultural expressions bear outstanding witness to the cultural specificity too interaction betwixt the Bassari/Beliyan, Bedik, too Fula people inwards agro-pastoral, social, ritual too spiritual practices, too stand upwards for an outstanding, master copy response to natural environmental constraints too anthropic pressures, so every bit to usage wisely the limited resources of the area.
Bassari cave,Senegal
Criterion (iii): The physical layout of the Bassari Cultural landscape bears an particular witness to the complex interactions amidst environmental factors, land-use practices, social rules, beliefs that altogether take hold concurred to shape a peculiar too remarkably preserved cultural landscape that outstandingly reflects the powerfulness of brand a respectful too sustainable usage of the resources of the region.
Dindifelo waterfall,Bassari county
Criterion (v): The Bassari cultural landscape bears witness to peculiar uses of the land, including crop rotation too manuring, communal sowing, weeding too harvesting too commuting practices imposed yesteryear traditional agricultural systems too yesteryear the relative scarcity of resources, thence representing an outstanding illustration of human interaction with a vulnerable environment.
Criterion (vi): The Pays Bassari every bit good every bit the sacred dimension that Bassari, Fula too Bedik people attach to it bear exceptional, tangible witness to the intertwined complex of practices, social rules, rites too beliefs that take hold helped the Bassari regulate the interaction betwixt men too their living environs too take hold produced a cultural landscape shaped yesteryear too imbued with cultural traditions too spiritual meanings that persist inwards a lively dynamic of transmission.
Integrity
The series belongings includes all elements necessary to brand manifest its proposed Outstanding Universal Value. Each expanse contributes to brand evident too to reinforce the value of the whole scheme too the profound cultural connections betwixt humans too nature. Their private too overall sizes are also convenient to stand upwards for adequately the cultural features too processes conveying the Outstanding Universal Value of the property. In the long term, the sustenance of the integrity of the belongings needs that measures hold out laid upwards to safeguard the Bassari civilization from the disrupting bear upon of an excessive exposure to alien cultural models.
Authenticity
The landscapes too their land-use too settlement pattern, along with the traditional architecture, the sacred forests, too the sanctuaries bear credible witness to a complex socio-economic cultural scheme inwards which peculiar agricultural too social practices, rituals, beliefs too traditional teaching take hold contributed to brand possible too durable the human settlement through the respectful too sustainable usage of the scarce resources of the region.
Protection too administration requirements
The Bassari cultural landscape is covered yesteryear specific layers of formal protection according to the police describe inwards force. Forms of traditional protection too administration go along to hold out implemented, complemented yesteryear the activity of several national too local institutional bodies too NGOs.
Overall the combination of legal, institutional too traditional protective measures is adequate to ensure the safeguard of the Outstanding Universal Value of the property. However its sustenance inwards the long term requires a strong coordination amidst all authorities, organisations too communities responsible at different levels for the protection too administration of the Bassari part inside a comprehensive administration strategy that demand to integrate all plans, measures too projects into 1 administration system/plan.
The articulation administration potency must hold out confirmed inwards its structures every bit good every bit inwards its means. Specific attending must also hold out paid to the command of economical evolution projects inwards the region, tourism inside the belongings too potential mining or forestry projects inwards buffer zones. H5N1 strategy for the conservation of the belongings too its attributes must hold out attached to the Management Plan.
Bassari adult woman fetching water,Senegal
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