Info For Yous Karamojong People: Uganda`S Patriarchal, Warriors Together With Close Feared Tribe Amongst The Close Stylish Hairstyles

“There is too much blood existence spilled on the land. The rituals are non performed as they should be. The authorities approaches us too our children with violence-they do non know our lives. The insecurity is finishing the animals too the immature men. Perhaps Akuju (Karamojong Supreme God) has left us for at nowadays to complete ourselves”.– Quote from a Karamojong Elder
The Karamojong or Karimojong, are Nilotic-speaking agro-pastoral herders of Ateker ethnic grouping living mainly inward the north-east of Uganda, just inward Karamoja region. The Karimojong (Ŋikarimojong), the largest Karamojong group, alive inward southern Karamoja too are traditionally subdivided into the Bokora (Ŋibokora; mostly inward what is at nowadays Napak District), Matheniko (Ŋimaseniko; inward Moroto District) too Pian (Ŋipian;in Nakapiripirit District).

                              Karamojong warrior with tribal hairstyle too trunk marks

Karamoja has been overtaken past times modern Africa. The Karamojong way of life has been torn to pieces past times the introduction of automatic weapons, tight edge regulations too a full general ignorance on the component of the ease of Republic of Uganda too most who come upwards into contact with them.

                        Karimojong immature lady with awesome hairstyle

The Karamojong tribe has been stereotyped past times Ugandan officials for having a reputation for existence violent, uncivilised too stubborn, when inward an actual fact. The Karamojong have got been victims of armed services persecution too of the automatic weapons that have got flooded into their guild afterward the defeat of Idi Amin’s army.
It is said that the Karamojong were originally known as the Jie. The call Karamojong derived from phrase "ekar ngimojong", pregnant "the old men tin can walk no farther".  The Karamojong are 1 of the African tribes with the most stylish hairstyles.

Karamojong girl. circa 1897

 "They owned large herds of livestock too depended exclusively on them. In time, both the people too the number of livestock increased necessitating farther motion of groups of people away from their ancestral lands. This culminated into a large tribal motion southward. The Turkana moved too settled inward northern Kenya. The instant grouping also left Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia about 1600 too attempted to bring together the Turkana but were repulsed past times the Turkana who had before on settled about Lake Rudolf (now Lake Turkana).'

The instant grouping too then decided to displace westwards too settled  at Kidepo Valley inward (what is now) northern Karamoja about Mount Moroto. Their province of affairs was made worse with the setting inward of drought too resultant famine. This province of affairs caused internal too external conflicts too the worst of all was the outbreak of human too cattle diseases. Consequently, people began to hash out the possibility of moving out to novel places. The immature men were inward favor of migrating to other places. The older men, urged them non to do so. They were worried that the immature men would live killed past times hostile tribes or live eaten past times wild animals. In their arguments, the immature men mocked their fathers (elders) “Akar Imojong” where the word
“Akar” agency remain behind too “Imojong “meaning oldman. In other words”The old men remain behind”
Akar imojong inward plow called the immature men “Atesia” pregnant graves. The word “Atesia” also meant children. From that hateful solar daytime the Akar imojong remained settled close Mt. Moroto inward the part presently known as Karamoja sub region. Later, they acquired the call Karimojong (tired old men). The immature men who were called Atesia moved southwards where they finally called themselves Iteso.

Before British colonialists arrived on the scene, the people of Karamoja were a collection of tribes (the Dodos, Jie, Labwor, Bokora, Pian, Matheniko too the Upe) with historical links. Their way of life was communal. H5N1 mortal was an private only to the extent that he was a fellow member of a family, a community or a clan. The agency of livelihood were cattle too tillage of land. The agency of livelihood were never owned past times an private but past times all the people. And no single private could dispose such communal survival means.
It is also of import to notation that before colonialism, pastoralists inward Karamoja too the neighboring regions were accustomed to costless possession of firearms whichfor many decades had been obtained from Ethiopian gun runners too Arab too Swahili slave traders, poachers too merchants from the East African Coast.
In the initiatory off one-half of 1888, the East African coast had been the conduit for as many as 3,744 assorted firearms, mainly Breech-Loaders too Winchester rifles. By 1910, a private the world forces operated inward Turkana edge lands with Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia too Sudan, which were organized inward units of betwixt half-dozen hundred too 1 grand fighters. They were mainly armed with single shot rifles too they operated inward smaller tactical units. Therefore United Kingdom had to “pacify” Karamoja too Turkana regions before they could claim total administrative command of this sphere of influence.

After the transfer of Republic of Uganda Rudolf Province to Republic of Kenya inward 1926 too the creation of Republic of Kenya too Republic of Uganda as they are known today, the British tried to confine the Turkana too Karimojong within the newly created states. Before the arbitrary colonial delimitation sliced their grazing areas, the Turkana too Karimojong had lived with inward the Rudolf province where they shared natural resources nether a scheme of social reciprocity. After the partition of Republic of Kenya too Uganda, these transhumant societies were expected to observe the invisible meridians that delineated the newly created states.

In monastic tell to larn protection from the colonizers, each ethnic community was expected to lay downward arms they had acquired over many decades too halt cross-border livestock rustling.When they refused to give upwards guns peacefully, United Kingdom conducted a disarming crusade codenamed “Operation Tennis” from the Turkana side of the Kenya/Uganda mutual border. The functioning was unsuccessful due to lack of proper coordination too the evasive agro-pastoralists who simply relocated to rugged mountainous terrain, out of hit of colonial patrols.

Consequently, Karamoja too Turkana regions were declared “closed districts” where motion within too exterior was restricted without a valid pass. This determination was ostensibly aimed at containing the spread of livestock diseases downward south, peculiarly rinderpest too pleuro-pneumonia. In addition, past times restricting transhumance, the policy had the impact of impoverishing the 2 communities who previously had a thriving agro-pastoral economic scheme too barter merchandise inward grain, Fe ware, too livestock. It also insulated them from mainstream nationalism too fervor of patriotism that was going on inward the southern one-half of each country. It remains to live seen whether the cattle rustling too violence the Karamojong have got meted on their neighbors is related to the effects of this confinement.

                                  Karamojong women

Settlement, Economy, Division of Labour too Tade (Livelihood Systems inward Manyattas too Kraals)
Labor is differentiated past times gender, historic period of time too status at both manyattas too kraals. Young children set out to piece of work amongst their parents at a really immature historic period of time (around 3 to iv years). Young girls assist their mothers or other woman mortal relatives with domestic duties, including caring for younger children. At several manyattas too kraals nosotros saw miniature huts too beast enclosures built past times immature children. Girls set out edifice these miniature huts at nearly 7 years of historic period of time as grooming for constructing full-size huts, which is the piece of work of older girls (beginning at nearly historic period of time 14) too women.

Karamonjong warrior

Within both manyattas too kraals, girls are also responsible for most domestic duties, including gathering wild greens too fruits, collecting firewood, preparing the give the sack for cooking, cooking food, fetching water, too caring for younger children (including feeding too soothing them if their mothers are away). Among the Bokora too Matheniko, girls also assist set upwards charcoal too take charcoal too firewood into town for sale or central for residue (the dregs from traditional beer-brewing).

In the manyattas, girls participate inward clearing the land, planting, weeding too cultivating too watering or milking whatever animals non inward the kraals. If at that spot is a harvest, girls participate inward bringing inward the harvest, threshing, winnowing too storing the grains. Indeed, the favorite activity of a grouping of immature Matheniko girls was threshing too winnowing, as it indicated a successful harvest, up-coming ceremonies too the availability of food.

At the kraals, girls take component inward preparing nutrient too watering too milking animals. Girls also assist to create blood, although only males bleed animals. Girls said that working inward the kraals was much easier than too preferable to working inward the manyattas, as the piece of work charge is lighter too they are normally guaranteed access to blood too milk.

 In addition, pre-pubescent too teenage girls comport the primary responsibleness for carrying nutrient dorsum too forth betwixt manyattas too kraals, too may remain inward the kraals for anywhere from a few days to several months at a time. The girls take blood from the kraal to their menage unit of measurement dorsum inward the manyatta, too send whatever items from the harvest, nutrient purchased inward town and/or relief items to the kraals. Young girls also brand the trips from kraals to the towns inward monastic tell to sell firewood too charcoal too purchase food.

Just as immature girls build miniature huts, boys of a similar historic period of time set out to build small-scale barriers as do for their adult roles of edifice too maintaining the enclosures about the manyattas too kraals. Young boys larn a high grade of responsibleness at a really early on historic period of time through shepherding goats, a duty which begins at roughly iv or 5 years of age. The immature boys maintain their herds unopen to settlements. Responsibilities increment as boys grow older, too boys graduate from shepherding goats on to calves too eventually to cattle.

Very immature boys (age 3 to 5 years) nowadays inward the kraals. These boys are responsible for watching the kid goats that remain at the kraal spell the herd goes out to graze. The older youth assist too supervise the immature boys inward their shepherding duties. For instance, manly mortal youth at a Tepeth kraal explained the daily scheme of beast management, which involved labor roles assigned carefully based on age, powerfulness too responsibility. Younger boys are sent inward from the fields initiatory off with smaller animals, spell older boys too men circular upwards stray animals too do a terminal security check. Young boys are to a greater extent than probable to assist inward traditionally woman mortal labor roles when at the kraals (as opposed to at the manyattas), including fetching water, collecting fuel, too watering the animals. Young boys also hunt little game about both the manyattas too kraals, normally with bows too arrows that they have got crafted themselves.

There is non a set numerical historic period of time at which a man child becomes a youth or at which a youth becomes a man. These transitions are marked instead past times gradations inward responsibilities too roles within the community. Young boys aid for little animals, adolescent boys aid for larger animals, too the immature men are responsible for the large herds as good as the protection of the community. Young men are expected to evidence their worth past times committing acts of bravery. In the past times this mightiness entail killing a large beast inward a hunt, such as a rhino, elephant, leopard or lion.

 Large game is no longer abundant inward northeastern Uganda, leading some to posit that immature men have got few options other than raiding through which to evidence their courage too worth.
Women at the kraals are responsible for preparing food, watering animals, collecting firewood, fetching drinking water, tying immature animals, collecting wild foods too milking whatever animals that have got milk (many animals halt producing milk inward the dry out season). The women at the kraals are inward accuse of nutrient preparation, including overseeing girls preparing food, too nutrient is eaten communally. (In contrast, at the manyattas nutrient is non normally shared amid households.) Male youth too elders reported that men volition create for themselves at the kraals inward periods when women are non present.

It is the piece of work of the younger able-bodied women to collect too set upwards nutrient for the older women too men inward manyattas or kraals who are no longer able to do these tasks themselves.
The edifice of huts (at both kraals too manyattas) is the duty of older girls too women, as is edifice too maintaining the fences instantly about the homesteads, too edifice the enclosures for the goats too calves within the fences. Young men are primarily responsible for the outer fence of the manyatta or kraal, but may have assist from women to collect too send the branches too thorn bushes. When a kraal moves to a novel location, women pack upwards the households too charge the supplies onto donkeys or, to a greater extent than rarely, camels for the journey.

One of the main livelihood activities for Bokora too Matheniko women too older girls is the collection too sale of firewood too charcoal. Charcoal is to a greater extent than commonly made inward areas that are unopen to towns than inward to a greater extent than outlying areas. Men often take the Pb inward burning charcoal, but it is the task of women too girls to send charcoal into town for sale. The Tepeth too the Pokot reportedly do non give the sack charcoal. The Tepeth do non know how brand charcoal and, to a greater extent than importantly, that at that spot is a cultural taboo on cutting alive trees if dead ones tin can live found. H5N1 Tepeth elderberry explained that the manly mortal elders of his community had decided at an ekokwa coming together to number an monastic tell non to cutting trees, as “the thick forests protect us from enemy set on too create nutrient for us too our animals.” Tepeth too Pokot women too girls pointed out that because they silent have got animals (often inward greater numbers than the Bokora or Matheniko), at that spot is no demand to engage inward natural resources exploitation. Indeed, fifty-fifty to the casual observer, the natural surroundings of the Tepeth too Pokot is much to a greater extent than intact than that of the Bokora too Matheniko, who rely to a greater extent than heavily on sale or central of firewood too charcoal for survival.

Women too girls mostly leave of absence the kraals before inward the twelvemonth than the men too boys inward monastic tell to set upwards gardens at the manyattas for the next season’s planting. In cases when most of the menage unit of measurement is at the kraal, as with many Tepeth too Pokot, better-off families who have got been able to sell some animals too purchase nutrient volition leave of absence kraals before to set out preparing for the planting if the rainy flavour looks to set out well. Those who do non have got the cushion of purchased nutrient remain behind inward kraals too hold off until the rainy flavour has nearly begun before they leave of absence the amend pasture.

                           Karamojong shepherd with the herds of Cattle

Agriculture is traditionally, but non exclusively, the domain of women. Data demonstrate that many immature men participate inward agriculture at some or all stages of cultivation, although the nature of participation differs from 1 grouping to the next. Data collected past times the Dyson-Hudsons inward the mid-1950s (1954-1958) on Karimojong (Bokora, Matheniko too Pian) agricultural patterns also betoken that farming practices are shared betwixt the sexes. Women were found to live responsible for all agricultural activity conducted within the settlement (such as drying, threshing too preparing grains too vegetables), but men too women shared agriculture tasks that took seat inward the fields, with men contributing substantial labor for planting sorghum too millet, weeding, too harvesting. Both manly mortal too woman mortal children helped inward the fields, although this task barbarous to a greater extent than heavily upon girls due to the boys’ role inward shepherding.

Although the Dyson-Hudson information are l years old, many of the findings take hold truthful today. Male youth inward all groups nosotros studied discussed participation inward agriculture, too reported performing such tasks as cultivation, weeding, harvesting, clearing the gardens too fencing the gardens (men only). Men do non appear to take agricultural goods to town to sell; this is the task of the women too girls. Women inward all communities where nosotros worked stressed that decisions regarding farming were taken past times women, non men. One Tepeth adult woman expressed daze when asked if men or women decided what should live planted: “How tin can a human being brand decisions nearly the crops that I am going to position inward my garden? It is for me to decide!

Bokora men are to a greater extent than actively engaged inward agriculture than their Matheniko, Tepeth or Pokot counterparts. For example, Bokora manly mortal youth described sharing tasks with women too girls inward the fields, including cultivating too weeding. Bokora manly mortal youth piece of work communally to harvest, moving from 1 garden to the next. The possessor of the garden provides a practiced repast too some traditional brew inward exchange. The do of communal harvesting inward rotating piece of work groups has been adopted from the Teso people, too is less mutual elsewhere inward Karamoja; for example, our informants said that it is non practiced past times the Matheniko. Similarly, Bokora men are oftentimes found working amongst their wives inward the gardens, also believed to live a pattern picked upwards from long-standing interaction with the Teso. These adaptations are indicative of a shift inward livelihoods inward accordance with the loss of livestock too decrease inward feasible pastoral livelihoods, as good as a shift inward the female-to-male ratio as to a greater extent than women too girls out-migrate inward search of economical opportunities.

Male youth are primarily responsible for livestock aid too for the security of settlements. Livestock are moved to grazing too watering areas during the day, too immature men often must dig wells inward dry out river beds during the dry out season. Male youth are constantly on the spotter for raiders or thieves spell grazing their animals, too conduct regular patrols about the grazing areas.

 Patrol teams venture out from the kraal each forenoon to facial expression for footprints that mightiness signal an impending enemy raid or thieves scouting the area. These groups also move on missions to depository fiscal establishment check the H2O levels inward a particular dam or the pasture conditions inward a given area. Grazing animals are kept unopen together, as thefts are most mutual when an beast strays from the herd. Most raids occur at night, too all youth inward an surface area volition respond inward a collective defence if a manyatta or kraal inward their immediate surface area is attacked. Although the bulk of immature men displace to the kraals with the animals, inward periods of heightened threats a portion volition remain behind to protect the manyattaswith metallic sheets and/or large acacia branches.

 Young men maintain the outer fences of the kraals too manyattas, too both immature men too women assemble the firewood for the men’s sentry fires at dark at the kraals. (The women complained nearly the back-breaking piece of work required to haul the large logs to maintain the sentry fires burning through the night.) At a Tepeth manyatta, immature men explained that they depository fiscal establishment check the perimeter fence for whatever problems before going to sleep. They wake at to the lowest degree in 1 trial inward the dark to depository fiscal establishment check for whatever possible intruders or signs of hyenas too other wild animals.

The kraals are normally inward less secure areas than the manyattas too have got less substantial fencing due to their mobile nature. Young single men at the kraals slumber out inward the opened upwards close to the animals to monitor for problems. Those who are married too have got wives nowadays at the kraal may move to the huts of their wives for intimate too sexual contact, but volition too then homecoming to slumber inward the opened upwards with the other men. Wild animals are also a threat to livestock inward some areas. In Matheniko too Tepeth kraals nosotros visited, the immature men maintain large fires burning just within the kraal fences all dark to ward off hyenas, lions too other animals, too slumber beside these fires.

                                        Karamojong Pian Upe

Although women too girls do most of the trading inward town, the sale or merchandise of livestock is handled exclusively past times men. Men at Tepeth too Matheniko kraals explained that women accompany them when they take the animals to the trading ticker to sell, too the women too then send abode the nutrient purchased through the sale of the animal. Additionally, some manly mortal youth may engage inward merchandise inward other items. For example, Matheniko manly mortal youth are engaged inward trading inward Turkana, Kenya, too send sandals made from tires, sisal leaves, too jerry cans of alcohol (waragi) to Lokiriama to trade. Women sometimes move with the men to assist send the jerry cans of liquor. The youth merchandise the alcohol too sandals for goats, which are too then brought dorsum to Republic of Uganda too kept or sold inward Moroto town.

Most hunting is performed past times immature boys, but a grouping of Tepeth men at 1 of the large arigan explained that they also hunt inward monastic tell to endure the hungry periods.
We also hunt. This is the way nosotros endure here. We hunt dikdik, guinea fowl, wild pigs too fifty-fifty bigger animals that nosotros mightiness find, similar H2O buck too antelope.
The responsibilities of the manly mortal elders ticker about determination making, mediation too negotiation with other groups for peace, access to particular watering or pastures areas. Ekokwa meetings occur daily to hash out basic management issues, spell to a greater extent than formal too ritualized akiriket meetings embrace aspects of ritual too ceremony. Male elders within a community are inward accuse of sanctioning, orchestrating too overseeing rituals, such as initiation (asupan) too marriage. Elders also play an of import supervisory role inward daily events. For instance, elders at a kraal volition oversee the watering of animals too brand for sure that the immature shepherd boys are correctly managing the animals. Elders also deal the other members of the community: they telephone telephone people together for meetings, learn shepherds when to take their cattle out or take hold the animals back, too brand decisions regarding the occupation too storage of food.

Mediation is 1 of the cardinal tasks of the manly mortal elders, too they hear too settle disputes amid neighbors, within households, too amid age-classes. Elders also mete out punishments, including fines (usually livestock for men too local brew for women) too corporal penalty such as canings. Meetings betwixt elders of different groups may Pb to temporary or extended peace agreements. Some elders are considered to live peculiarly skillful inward negotiations, too are characterized as “the sort of elderberry who volition verbalise peace fifty-fifty if his boy has just been killed past times the enemy side.” These elders are respected as local “pillars of peace” too tin can live highly influential within their communities. According to key informants, these elders often prefer the tranquility of the remote grazing areas, too are thus sometimes overlooked past times civil guild organizations working on peace mobilization. Successful peace agreements are critically of import inward monastic tell to maintain the mobility of animals, to decrease the mortality rates of youth oftentimes involved inward or victimized past times raids, too to allow for merchandise too commerce betwixt different groups.

Seers, or emuron/amuron (male too woman mortal terms), play a special role within the social, economical too political systems of Karamojong communities. Seers are critically of import for information at the kraals too the manyattas. At the kraals a seer volition read intestines of a slaughtered beast to forecast the weather condition too to seat too elbow grease to mitigate whatever potential imminent security threats. For example, Matheniko elders explained that the kraal leader works closely with a seer to deal the affairs of the kraal. In response to a query on information regarding potential security threats, manly mortal youth at a Tepeth kraal said:
Seers facial expression at intestines too they tin can view if the raiders are coming. Most of the information [that nosotros get] is from understanding the intestines too and then making the appropriate mechanisms for defense.
Seers play similar roles providing guidance too communing with higher powers inward kraals throughout the Karamoja Cluster.

In recent years, the security forces have got come upwards to play an increasingly visible—if controversial too sometimes highly problematic—role inward the livelihood systems of communities inward Karamoja. Disarmament too the associated problems are discussed elsewhere inward this report, but security forces also play a to a greater extent than positive role inward the everyday lives of many of the people nosotros interviewed. For instance, the Tepeth from the Kakingol side of Mount Moroto have got located their kraals close to the the world forces barracks at Nakiloro because of the protection provided past times the soldiers. According to manly mortal youth at 2 kraals inward this area, it is the soldiers (mixed UPDF too local defence unit of measurement forces) who provide daytime security for the livestock. The soldiers mount patrols along the roads too the shepherds graze nearby, too armed soldiers accompany groups of grazing animals inward some areas or mix their animals with the animals from the kraals too graze together. The Tepeth kraals also do goodness economically from their proximity to the soldiers, too volition sell the occasional caprine animal to the families inward the barracks too central milk for posho (a staple starch normally made from maize) on a regular basis. The men from the kraals sometimes socialize with the soldiers inward the evenings, too the wives of the soldiers provide nutrient for the children inward the kraal if at that spot is a nutrient shortage.


Marriage inward Karamoja
“Marriage with Cattle”
Marriage inward Karamoja involves the central of cattle as a bride cost payment from the human being to the menage unit of measurement too clan of the woman. These marriages are considered official too a twain is “married with cattle” when the bride cost has been paid inward full, although payments may live spread over many years. Being married with cattle brings specific benefits to the man, adult woman too children. For a man, the rituals of initiation too wedlock bestow total recognition as an adult fellow member of his clan too bestow the powerfulness to participate inward determination making within the manyatta too kraal. H5N1 human being who has non married with cattle does non savor these benefits, too volition take hold a seat of less importance within his age-class.

Karamojong human being too his wife

H5N1 adult woman who is married with cattle becomes an official fellow member of the man’s clan, too only too then is she considered a total too active fellow member of the community. The rights too protections of the man’s clan are extended to a adult woman too her children next official marriage. This is peculiarly of import if her hubby dies, as a adult woman volition have got rights to her husband’s property—including his cattle—only if they were officially married. The man’s clan is also obligated to aid for the adult woman upon her husband’s death, often inward the shape of remarriage within the clan (discussed below). Any children born to the twain afterward the bride cost has been paid are automatically a component of the man’s clan.

 This clan is responsible for the children if something happens to the parents. Clan members are expected to assist the parents if they cannot run across the needs of their children (for example, a clan mightiness live asked to assist pay medical bills). Importantly, the official clan volition have the bride cost when a immature lady marries: if the parents of the immature lady were never married with cattle, the bride cost goes to the natal clan of the woman parent too non to the father’s clan. The ultimate receipt of bride cost for their daughters is a farther incentive for men to sanction their unions through the central of cattle. Both manly mortal too woman mortal youth aspire to get hitched with with cattle too view this as a critical rite of passage inward their lives. In fact, 1 of the traits of a practiced Karamojong man child or immature lady was 1 who would eventually live married with cattle.

Karamojong girl

Female virginity is non necessary for wedlock (or fifty-fifty peculiarly prized) too many immature women have got several suitors that they may live sexually involved with prior to taking a husband. Males may also courtroom too live sexually involved with a number of females at a time, too this continues afterward wedlock inward the shape of polygamy. (Women are expected to live faithful afterward marriage.) The powerfulness of a suitor to pay bride cost is an of import aspect inward selecting a husband, too the human being who appears most probable to come upwards up with the total payment inward a timely fashion is most probable the human being whom the immature adult woman volition marry.

H5N1 immature adult woman is expected to live monogamous afterward the initiatory off portion of bride cost inward cattle has been paid to the woman’s clan. At this dot the suitor is accepted past times the immature woman’s menage unit of measurement as a serious candidate. Any children born from this human relationship remain component of the woman’s clan until the consummate bride cost is paid, too the human being must add together an additional payment for each kid (whom the woman’s clan is ‘losing’).

 However, the human being has no official claim upon the adult woman or her children until bride cost is paid inward full, too a man’s role as prime number suitor (and his claim to the children) tin can live forfeited if it does non appear that he volition live able to come upwards up with the total amount. Another human being may offering the bride cost for the adult woman too her children, too the adult woman too her menage unit of measurement may determine that this is the amend offer.

Karamojong adult woman with tribal trunk bumps. http://www.en.rian.ru/photolents/20110912/166588682.html

Traditionally, a immature adult woman remains inward the abode of her woman parent until bride cost has been paid inward full, at which dot she moves to the manyatta of her husband. In practice, many couples are cohabitating without existence officially married through the central of cattle. Some respondents lamented this tendency too felt that this was a notable too negative shift within society, whereas others accepted the province of affairs as unavoidable due to the difficulties of raising bride price, the burden a adult woman with children places on her maternal clan, too the realties of modern life.

Young women who are non married with cattle but who displace to the man’s manyatta (including those that have got children born of these relations) have got a depression status within the clan of their de facto husband, too were described as ‘concubines’ inward several interviews. In their depression status seat they are discipline to the volition too orders of women who are inward official unions, fifty-fifty if they are older than these women.

Women who are non married with cattle do non have got as strong a vocalisation inward matters that pertain to women inward the manyattas. Of note, women who are non inward official marriages are traditionally non buried when they die, too their surviving relatives do non perform ritual mourning or send out other rituals for the dead. Burials too associated mourning rituals are reserved for immature men who are distinguished inward battle too for men too women who are married with cattle. Other corpses, including those of children, are left inward the opened upwards for the animals too Sun to dispose of.  The influence of the church building has changed this inward some areas, too members of a Christian congregation volition normally live given a burial.

Bride Price
H5N1 number of cattle are required for bride price, from 10 to 150 cattle. (Other animals, especially goats, may also live included inward bride price. Cash is also becoming a to a greater extent than mutual chemical constituent of bride cost payments, peculiarly if the twain has links to towns through relatives or salaried jobs, too also if the twain is educated. The inclusion of cash is much less mutual inward rural areas.) There are a multifariousness of reasons for this.

Bride prices differ based on the size of the clan of the woman, with a larger clan requiring to a greater extent than cattle for marriage. (Cattle are distributed to members of the woman’s immediate menage unit of measurement as good as members of the larger clan). These discrepancies hateful that some respondents may have got told us the number of cattle required past times a specific clan as opposed to an average number. Variations inward the size of bride cost are also based on who is reporting: a youth eager to evidence his manliness may study a higher bride price. Likewise, high bride prices mightiness live reported past times men too women who are non inward official marriages so as to justify the existence of their unofficial union. In other instances, depression bride prices mightiness live reported past times those placing the onus on the immature men for failure to engage inward official marriage. The average bride cost inward Karamoja is betwixt twoscore too 50 caput of cattle.

On their own, most immature men are non able (or expected) to bring upwards the number of cattle required for bride price. The man’s clan is expected to contribute the cattle required for his initiatory off wife; the bride cost payments for whatever subsequent wives are his responsibility. They thus inquire their fathers, manly mortal relatives too manly mortal friends for contributions of cattle and, inward return, hope to repay this debt from their futurity herds. In particular, immature men may inquire their fathers for cattle given to the menage unit of measurement as bride cost for their sisters; this is an of import source of cattle for immature men hoping to marry. However, some of our informants complained that their fathers are using cattle collected from their daughters’ bride cost to themselves get hitched with additional (and younger) wives. This do is to a greater extent than prevalent than inward the past. Both men too women said that this pattern tin can create problems too tensions inward the family, as the men have got difficulty inward supporting multiple wives too children, too the sons grow resentful that at that spot are no cattle left for their ain marriages.

The role of raided cattle inward bride cost payment remains opened upwards to fighting too requires to a greater extent than investigation. One hypothesis is that the pressure level to get hitched with with cattle inward monastic tell to live recognized as an adult fellow member of guild pushes immature men to raid cattle to run across bride cost obligations. Key informants too several woman mortal respondents said that the pressure level to larn cattle quickly—if, for instance, a human being had children with a adult woman too knew that other suitors may live close to raising the bride price—might prompt a human being into raiding to secure the needed animals.18 Young men agreed that raided cattle could live included inward bride cost payments, but explained that most of the cattle either came from a man’s manly mortal parent or from the herd of the human being himself. According to men of diverse ages, raided cattle are normally (but non always) sold speedily inward monastic tell to foreclose uncovering too revenge raids.

In some cases a adult woman may live able to reject a suitor whom she does non fancy, fifty-fifty 1 who has sufficient bride price. In other cases, however, the girl’s parents may strength her to get hitched with against her will, peculiarly if the suitor is wealthy too has many cattle to offer. These forced marriages often involve a immature adult woman existence married to a much older man, as older human being are to a greater extent than probable to have got the cattle for the bride cost payment.

 Patterns of immature women marrying older men are also thought to increment tensions betwixt generations, as immature men come upwards to resent the loss of available women to their elders. There are few cases of immature women killing themselves (in these instances past times ingesting poison) rather than human face wedlock against their will. In other instances the women simply run away to an urban center. The woman mortal respondents who reported these cases stressed that, afterward the suicides, other families inward the manyattas were much to a greater extent than hesitant to strength girls to get hitched with without their consent.


Children
Children born prior to official wedlock are considered a approving to the eventual hubby too his clan, fifty-fifty if the hubby is non the manly mortal parent of the children. H5N1 human being may claim the children from his wife’s previous liaisons past times paying an additional fee per each inward the bride cost payment. The hubby is too then entitled to the labor of the children too whatever cattle that are given as bride cost for the daughters.

Once the hubby pays bride cost too the fee for the children the biological manly mortal parent has no farther claim to his offspring. If the hubby too the woman’s menage unit of measurement concur that he tin can pay off the cattle over fourth dimension the human being is allowed to take the adult woman as a married adult woman too whatever children the adult woman has produced. However, as mentioned above, if the human being fails to pay the residual of the cattle, whatever cattle coming from the futurity marriages of the daughters volition move to the maternal clan.

Notably, throughout Karamoja, children of both genders are highly valued: boys for their roles inward maintaining the menage unit of measurement herds, girls for futurity bride cost too homecoming of cattle. Our squad neither saw nor heard evidence to advise that woman mortal children received less food, medical care, or access to didactics than their brothers. Likewise, nosotros found no evidence to advise that couples preferred to have got manly mortal offspring over woman mortal offspring. We attribute the relatively high value given to girls to their powerfulness to take bride cost to the menage unit of measurement too clan. Families that were able to send children to schoolhouse were sending roughly equal numbers of woman mortal too manly mortal children. Hence, on several levels, the role of bride cost seems to have got some positive affects on the handling too valuing of girls within Karamoja.

Polygamy is widely practiced throughout Karamoja. When asked, a bulk of women felt that polygamy was harmful because men often take to a greater extent than wives too have got to a greater extent than children than they tin can back upwards financially. Women said that men with multiple wives would often remain with the married adult woman who could best provide him food, leaving the ease of the women too children hungry. According to a key informant, inward the past times a human being with many wives was known to live really rich inward cattle too would non have got had a job supporting his family. Insecurity too cattle raids have got resulted inward impoverishment too difficulties inward maintaining large families, fifty-fifty for those who were previously wealthy.

Respondents said that inward the rare cases of divorce, children volition remain with their mothers, fifty-fifty if the children had been brought into the man’s clan through a payment inward cattle. Our informants had never heard of a human being existence able to take a woman’s child(ren) away from her, nonetheless the woman’s clan is supposed to repay the cattle paid past times the human being upon marriage. Likewise, woman mortal respondents reported that a widow’s children ever belong to her, fifty-fifty if she has been inherited past times a brother-in-law. The adult woman must ever concur to claims made upon her children.


Health
Birthing practices
Children are highly valued within Karamojong cultures. Not surprisingly, the initiatory off nativity from an approved union (regardless of marital status) is a stimulate for much celebration. According to Knighton:
To larn a manly mortal parent or a woman parent is to experience
 a important ascent inward social status. The woman parent also
 is grateful for the additional security, that she is
 unlikely to live returned to her manly mortal parent for barrenness.
So is her clan, who would have got to homecoming the bridewealth."

The bulk of women give nativity inward their huts, with only those inward town going to hospitals. An old woman, normally a traditional nativity assistant (TBA), is nowadays to assist with a woman’s initiatory off birth. H5N1 adult woman remains lone inward her hut for subsequent births too is only attended if she calls out for help. The sign of a successful nativity is the outcry of the infant too people come upwards into the hut at this fourth dimension to attend to the woman parent too to welcome the child. H5N1 TBA cuts the umbilical cord, which is too then buried inward a cloak-and-dagger seat close the mother’s hut. This is meant to ward of whatever witchcraft that mightiness harm the child.

 Knighton provides a description of the role of TBAs at births:
Traditional midwives are really efficient inward their task, receiving the babe inward front end of the mother, spell she pushes inward a kneeling position. They launder it with mutual frigidity water, necktie the umbilical cord with fibre, cutting it with a knife for a girl, or an arrow for bleeding cattle if it is a boy.

Any Western Program of primary wellness aid needs to piece of work with the highly influential traditional nativity attendants to attain their aims of wellness for the population.
Women reported that the child’s manly mortal parent is really happy when a salubrious kid is born. The manly mortal parent volition move to the kraal too larn milk for the woman parent too volition purchase clothes for the baby. There are prohibitions on sexual intercourse betwixt the twain as long as the adult woman is breastfeeding, too this may lastly upwards to 2 years or longer.

Tepeth women explained that if the babe dies during or instantly afterward birth, it is possible that the adult woman volition live thrown out of the theatre past times the husband. This is reportedly to a greater extent than probable to move on inward the instance of the decease of the initiatory off born. In such cases, the adult woman volition homecoming to the abode of her parents. If the hubby refuses to permit the adult woman homecoming to his homestead, the bride cost paid for her volition live returned too she volition too then live considered divorced.
H5N1 wedlock cannot live fulfilled until children are produced from the union. Women who are barren are seen as cursed past times Akujů, stigmatized past times their co-wives, too are denied the status of an adult.


Female Genital Cutting
Of the groups nosotros worked with, woman mortal genital cutting (also referred to as woman mortal genital mutilation, or FGM, too sometimes as woman mortal circumcision), is practiced amid the Tepeth too the Pokot that cross from Republic of Kenya into Uganda.36 Both the Tepeth too the Pokot do a shape of genital cutting that excises the clitoris too the labia minora. According to the World Health Organization,
The immediate too long-term wellness consequences of
woman mortal genital mutilation vary according to the type and
severity of the physical care for performed. Immediate
complications include severe pain, shock, haemorrhage,
 urine retention, ulceration of the genital part too injury
 to next tissue. Haemorrhage too infection tin can cause
death. More recently, job organisation has arisen nearly possible
transmission of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
due to the occupation of 1 musical instrument inward multiple operations, but
this has non been the discipline of detailed research. Long-term
consequences include cysts too abscesses, keloid scar formation,
 damage to the urethra resulting inward urinary incontinence,
 dyspareunia (painful sexual intercourse) too sexual dysfunction
 and difficulties with childbirth."

According to women from both tribes, girls are considered ready for genital cutting afterward their initiatory off menstruum period. The ceremony (including the cutting) tin can only occur inward years when at that spot is a practiced harvest, pregnant that at that spot may live a delay of several years afterward a immature lady reaches puberty. Women too girls explained that a practiced harvest is necessary both because it is auspicious too also because girls autumn sick afterward existence cutting too must live adequately fed. Elder women perform the ceremony with a special knife sharpened with a stone. The same knife is used on all the girls. Tepeth girls are excised but their vaginal openings are non sewn closed. Among the Pokot, however, the vaginal opening is sewn shut, leaving only a little opening remaining.
At the fourth dimension of the ceremony, each immature lady is given a stone to sit down on too stones are arranged inward a line. The girls take hold opened upwards their legs, or, if they “lack courage,” volition live held past times other women. Female members of the community sing “vigorous songs” about the girls to give them strength, too the tops of soda bottles are hung from surrounding trees to brand noise. The songs the women sing are “heroes’ songs,” too the words remind the girls that they are moving from childhood to womanhood. “I am at nowadays a woman. I am grown upwards now. I am ready for marriage.”

After the cutting, the girls are taken to mats leaves where they volition rest. Other women have got collected these leaves over several days to brand a comfortable spot for the girls. The girls volition remain together inward this surface area for upwards to a calendar month until they are healed. If a girl’s wounds larn septic, the old adult woman who performed the ceremony volition cutting out the septic surface area too care for the infection with either natural remedies or, inward serious cases, with purchased western medicines. The mothers of the girls take nutrient too milk to maintain their daughters “fat too salubrious looking.” The girls do non bathe during this month.

After 1 calendar month has passed the girls are taken to a river where rituals are performed. These rituals are meant to appease the river spirits inward monastic tell to ensure that the wounds do non reopen. The girls bathe too are dressed inward finery, too are too then presented to the manyattas. Men volition have got gathered at the manyattas to view which girls/women are at nowadays officially available for marriage.
Some parents do non have got their girls circumcised. In discussions with adult women, it appeared that the rationale for this was predominately economical as opposed to existence based on wellness or rights. The menage unit of measurement loses a calendar month of labor afterward their immature lady is circumcised too has to provide nutrient during this time, which adds upwards to a important expense. Any unexpected medical needs are a farther burden. In addition, a girl’s menage unit of measurement is expected to host a political party for relatives, friends too neighbors when their immature lady has recovered too is presented as a ‘woman’ to the community.


Socio-political construction too Culture
Generation-Sets, Age-Classes too Passage of Power
The call for the Karimojong’s too Jie’s sacred assembly is akiriket too is closely associated with Akujů, their God. The akiriket assemblies stand upwards for the active political, social too religious organisation of the groups.

Lochoro Samuel, Jie Clan Elder, Kotido District, Karamoja, Uganda. Alfred Weidinger

 As Ben Knighton, a widely-published scholar of the Karamojong, explains:
Akiriket provides a living record. First its total members
are men. They are non at that spot only to exclude women
from powerfulness inward a society, nor fifty-fifty as representatives of
their families or clans. They are at that spot as a addition of
 society before Akujů [their God] and, nether His guidance,
 to take responsibleness for that guild too deed on its behalf for
 its mutual welfare. Secondly, the men are strictly ranked
 in monastic tell of seniority. Uninitiated men have got no proper voice
inward the assembly too have got a status relative to it similar to that
 of women, as ngikaracuna (they of the apron) or boys (ngidyain).
 The initiates are divided twice, into generation-sets too into
 age-sets contained within the generation-sets, but all initiates
 have an equal right to speak inward the assembly, fifty-fifty if different
voices send different weight… Initiations are only held inward good
 years, too whatever planned for years that plow out to live bad are stopped."
The akiriket are formal too ritualized meetings too embrace a hit of ritual activities of communities inward relation with Akujů. The akiriket are held inward particular shrines set aside for this purpose, too only for sure elders are qualified to handgrip matters of the akiriket.

                               Three immature Karamojong shepherds

In contrast to the formal akiriket, ekokwa gatherings are informal too held daily past times manly mortal elders at the manyattas too kraals. Ekokwa are much less reverent than akiriket, too bargain with issues of daily management. News too information are shared, disputes are brought forwards (and potentially settled), too day-to-day affairs of the grouping too conditions inward the surface area are discussed. These gatherings are ideally held inward the shade of a large acacia tree. Any respected elderberry tin can officiate at ekokwa, too this is the forum where most decisions are made. The ekokwa consist of manly mortal elders, but women may nowadays their problems or requests at these fora as well.

Power is invested inward an age-class, never inward an individual. And, spell 1 human being may take hold sway 1 hateful solar daytime inward an akiriket or an ekokwa, decisions are made collectively too a different human being may have got influence at the next gathering. When initiated, the members of an age-class are given a specific call past times the elders that volition seat the age-class for the collective life of its members. The elders select the call of an beast or, less commonly, a flora or geological feature, to give to the age-class when the grouping is roughly eighteen years of age. However, elders volition often hold off to initiate a grouping until they are significantly older, as discussed below.

Each generation-set is compromised of upwards to 5 age-classes. Only 2 generation-sets tin can be simultaneously—the senior generation-set, which consists of the elders inward powerfulness at a given time, too the junior generation-set, which volition eventually assume power. H5N1 human being cannot live inward the same generation-set as his father. At present, the senior generation-set inward Karamoja is known as the Mountains (Ngimoru) too the junior generation-set is the Gazelles (Ngigetei). The electrical current age-classes for the Karimojong males (Matheniko, Bokora too Pian) are set out below, with the generation-set call inward bold followed past times the names of the age-classes (Table 1).
Table 1. Karimojong Age-Classes
Date                Names for Age-Classes                                                     Metal (body ornamentation
1897               Moru III (mountains), Kokoi (grey monkeys, grivets)               Copper
a. 1898            Taaba (rocks)
b. 1898            Putiro (wart-hogs)
c. 1913            Cubae (blue monkeys), Rengelen (red ostrich feathers)
d. 1942-43      Baanga (ducks)
1956               Gete IV (Grant’s gazelles)                                                          Brass
a. 1956            Meguro (bat-eared foxes) at that spot were initiations in
                         1957, 1959, 1964, 1966
b. 1975            Owa (bees) at nowadays closed – many initiates
c. 1999            Wapeto (eland)
d.Forthcoming   Ru (small flora with light-green leaves too yellowish fruit)
Forthcoming     Moru (mountains) too Mirio (field-mice)                                     Copper
Table reproduced from Knighton, ibid., p. thirteen 9.

Generation-sets too age-classes are identified past times their call too chosen shape of metallic too trunk ornamentation, with the generation-set identification passing from granddaddy to grandson. Age-classes may take their ain physical identification, such as a specific tattoo pattern, type of earrings, or scarification pattern, too they maintain these for life.
There is disagreement inward the literature on the electrical current construction too relevance of the age-class scheme for women. The scheme of age-classes for women traditionally mirrored that of the men, but Sandra Gray’s enquiry shows that the lastly women’s age-class was initiated inward the 1940s too that this scheme has since fallen into disuse. This was also the impression of 3 of our key informants, both manly mortal too female. Ben Knighton, on the other hand, says that the woman mortal age-class scheme is silent functioning.

Clearly, fifty-fifty if the woman mortal age-class scheme is continuing the scheme of hierarchy has much less weight or pregnant for women than it does for men. It is known that the construction of woman mortal age-classes was traditionally parallel to that of the males. When a manly mortal age-class opened too was formally named, parallel age-classes also opened for women. Like men, the age-classes of women had distinct names. However, spell the initiation for men requires the spearing of oxen, for women, a wedlock with cattle was the cardinal facet of initiation. Women’s generation-sets too age-classes traditionally mirrored those of their husbands, too women article of apparel the same metallic or marker emblem as their men, thus making it really clear which generation-set the sons should join.

The symbolic, ritual too existent passing of powerfulness occurs when the senior generation-set of manly mortal elders promotes the junior generation-set inward a succession ceremony. There are no set formulae or timeframes for this process. The advertisement is meant to occur when all age-classes within a generation-set have got been “open” for a number of years, pregnant that all males within that generation-set who are of an appropriate historic period of time volition have got had an chance to live initiated into an age-class within that generation-set. The junior generation-set volition perform for sure acts to demonstrate allegiance too observe for the senior generation-set, too volition tell them they are receiving pressure level from their ain sons to live initiated too set out making requests for the transfer of power. The senior generation-set, however, may reject to relinquish power, for, in 1 trial they promote the junior generation-set, the elders volition no longer live the decision-makers for politico-religious affairs.10 This may move on fifty-fifty when at that spot are non plenty elders living to perform the rituals.

 As Knighton explains:
The uninitiated are ever keen for their turn, but
‘the elders say “No!” because problems volition be
 inherited, non blessings. Initiations are continuing
 now, but, because at that spot is no peace, no new
age-set volition live initiated, for the problems must remain
with the old names. Thus, Karamojong ritualism holds
 together the existent too the nominal, the political too the
symbolic, powerfulness too convention, causation too time."
The lastly fourth dimension powerfulness passed from 1 generation-set to the next was inward 1956-1958. The Mountains generation-set took the seat of the senior generation-set too became the official elders too leaders of the Karamojong, opening upwards a novel generation-set (called the Gazelles) too a novel serial of age-classes. These generation-sets have got occupied the senior too junior seat for the intervening l years, with no hand-over of powerfulness inward the interim. This delay inward handing over powerfulness from 1 generation-set to the next is unprecedented. There is, however, ever reluctance on the component of the senior manly mortal generation-set to relinquish control. This failure to cede powerfulness tin can stimulate crises amid the groups too tensions betwixt the generations, resulting inward a pattern that appears to closely replicate the province of affairs of today:
When the senior generation-set becomes few in
number too incapacitated, owing to the natural death
 of their peers, the civilization regularly enters a period of time of
 crisis. Older uninitiated men drift into raiding, as the
only agency whereby they tin can increment their standing
inward the community. The junior generation of initiated men,
 which itself contains men older than the most junior
 age-set of the senior generation, is itching for power.
 They volition show, small of revolution, diverse displays
indicating that powerfulness should at nowadays live handed over
to them, spell some rituals autumn into abeyance for lack
 of elders, too men displace their herds totally independently."

                                      Karamojong boys

The failure to mitt over powerfulness to the next generation-set results inward a large number of men who cannot live initiated, as a human being cannot belong to the same generation-set as his father. This is best illustrated with an example: say a human being was born inward 1940 too initiated into the Gazelle generation inward the belatedly 1950s, too before long thereafter began a family. Today the human being is approaching lxx years of historic period of time too has many children, including manly mortal children inward their 30s too 40s, too many grandchildren. The old man, however, is silent inward the junior generation-set, as at that spot has non been a succession ceremony since the Mountains took power. Because men cannot live inward the same generation-set as their father, none of his children has been initiated into an age-class, too these individuals have got no official standing or power. As Sandra Gray notes:
H5N1 number of manly mortal informants, who were inward their belatedly middle historic period of time inward 1998-1999, complained that they were aught to a greater extent than than “rats” (ngidoi), or uninitiated men, without a formal identity inward the traditional powerfulness construction of Karimojong society.
Knighton, referencing Dyson-Hudson, is careful to dot out that reluctance to mitt over power, delayed succession ceremonies, too resulting tensions betwixt generations—all culminating inward a ‘period of crisis’—is an historical pattern, non a once-off occurrence. The junior age-class is eventually promoted too a novel generation-set opens upwards into which their sons tin can live initiated. When this happens, the quondam ‘trouble-makers’ conform to the established patterns of allocated roles too re-emphasize the hierarchy of the age-class system.

Karamojong woman

Currently, the groups inward Karamoja are experiencing the ‘crises’ that Knighton discusses, as the junior generation-set yearns to take powerfulness too the senior generation-set refuses to relinquish its take hold on control. The senior generation-set is at nowadays really old, too many of its members have got died, spell others are infirm. However, the lack of clear leadership combined with failed harvests, droughts, too increasingly tearing armed services confrontations with the Ugandan security forces agency that really few ceremonies too initiations have got taken place, as major ceremonies should occur inward times of peace too prosperity. The frustration of the uninitiated continues as this grouping advances inward historic period of time too their ain sons hit adulthood. The events described past times Knighton—an upsurge inward raiding past times the uninitiated too heightened tensions amid the generations—have contributed to the instability that has been occurring inward the part for the past times 2 decades.
The causes for the delay inward succession are multi-faceted. On the 1 hand—as discussed past times Knighton—there is ever a period of time of tension as the powerfulness of the senior generation-set begins to wane too the juniors force to take control. Those inward powerfulness are reluctant to permit go, too the younger generation experiences increased pressure level from their sons too begins to lose faith inward the leadership abilities of their elders. Looking beyond measure inter-generational powerfulness struggles, the ceremonies for succession are meant to take seat inward times of prosperity—such as a twelvemonth or serial of years with practiced harvests—and peace. These 2 aspects have got non occurred simultaneously inward many years. All groups are meant to mitt over powerfulness simultaneously, but the nowadays cleavages amid these groups brand this almost impossible.
The terminal factor inward the succession delay relates to ceremonial site where the hand-over from 1 generation-set to the next is meant to occur. The succession ceremony traditionally occurs at Nakadanya, betwixt Koten Hill too the Apule River, a location considered the heartland of Karamoja. The Karamojong believe that Nakadanya is the sacred site from which the Karamojong tribes dispersed, too thus this is the location reserved for the most of import too reverent of events. Many Karamojong believe that Akujů has cursed the Karimojong (Bokora, Matheniko too Pian), as evident past times the bloodshed too violence that has spread across the land. This curse originated from an unsanctioned raid too the resulting decease of the most respected elder’s son. The sacred site of Nakadanya must live cleansed inward monastic tell for this curse to live lifted too for the handover of powerfulness to occur. Some efforts were made past times a civil guild organisation to cleanse Nakadanya several years ago, but it is the persuasion of many people that short-cuts were taken too the rituals were non followed properly. As a result, efforts to restore the powerfulness of Nakadanya too contrary the curse failed.18 H5N1 number of elders from diverse Karamojong tribes are reportedly aware of the problems, too are seeking to regain ways to resume the cleansing too physical care for towards succession at Nakadanya.

Beautiful karamojong girl

Religion
Akujů is the supreme deity of the groups inward the Karamojong cluster, although the exact call for the deity differs inward the Tepeth, Pokot too Teso groups. (The word akuj refers to a god or spirit.) He resides inward a higher seat the Earth too is invisible but is known to the elders too they tin can communicate with him. If he wishes, Akujů tin can response the prayers of the elders. Akujů has the powerfulness to bless the people inward all aspects of their lives— social, political, economic, cultural—and tin can intervene to protect people or take whatever threats. The volition of Akujů often presents itself inward the intestines of sacrificed animals to the diviners or seeks (male seers are emuron; woman mortal seers are amuron), as good as to some elders,

                                               Karamojong people

The Karimojong have got a really strong believe that animals too plants have got the spirits inward them. They inward the initiatory off seat reverberate the origin of plants too animals to some Supreme Being who manifests himself through the animals too plants.

                                     Karamojong men

Among the Karamojong, some places were held as sacred, such places were those crowded with trees, called inward the Karimojong linguistic communication “ Akiriket” inward such places sacrifices to the gods were made inward quest for the welfare of the community, or inward quest for pelting when a dry out spell was anticipated, or to avert enemies when the foreteller has communicated nearly impending set on or whatever community demand too rescue demanding the intervention of the gods.

                                          Karamojong healers

Such a shrine was held with smashing owe too no mortal whatsoever was to tamper with whatever flora inward it, cutting of firewood from such a dot was absolutely prohibited. Any such victim caught inward the deed of cutting, was either punished past times killing a bull too preparing beer for the elders who would live the intermediaries inward appealing to the gods to seek for forgiveness. Such honor was as extended to large trees. The Karimojong respected these trees because they related them to some Supreme Being who must live a habitat of the tree too giving it its long existence.

                                                       Karamojong girl

Animals were greatly respected for likewise their occupation for food, pride – existence a source of riches, enhancing human human relationship through dowry, gifts to friends too other purposes, animals were also used for sacrificial purposes too acting as a span betwixt the human variety too the gods. This gives the human relationship that the animals too the plants have got too the attachments. This is why the animals are sacrificed inward the shrines too these large trees.
Animals were sacrificed for the same purpose of maintaining the practiced human relationship betwixt the gods too the community, they were sacrificed to create harmony inward society.

                                        Karamojong people listening to the gospel

Traditional way of burial amid the Karimojong people
When a hamlet fellow member die, at that spot is unrestrained weeping. If a adult woman lost a kid through whatever cause, she would often elbow grease suicide. Women were known to maintain a special cord inward their grain baskets for this purpose.

                                        Karamojong girls

It was odd for a human being inward Karamoja to elbow grease suicide; but it was mutual for women inward the trial of loss or failure of crops. Near Latome, at that spot is a current called “the current of hanging”. By the banks of this stream, it is said that bodies were constantly found hanging from trees.

                                Karamojong people jump dancing

The elderberry of the hamlet is buried inward the ticker of the calf or sheep kraal. He is buried with his caput pointing inward the due north because the Karimojong people believe that they came from the north.The trunk was covered with moo-cow dung too soil too and then stamped on. Then a large stone would live placed upright on the grave.
If an elderberry died away from the village, his trunk would live carried home, normally on a donkey. Death too burial ceremonies tended to vary from clan to clan but generally, mourning too weeping would proceed for a twain of days.
Among the Karimojong people, the Ng’inga’aricum clan do non bury their dead. The dead trunk is normally left outside, preferably at a seat where the harvester ants had carried off the seeds too left a bare patch on the ground. The corpse was set on its side with its caput upon a stone, too left at that spot to rot too dry. There were no burials for the lepers too suicide victims.

Karamojong immature lady laughing

After burial, the manly mortal members would shave the front end of their heads spell the women would shave off all their hair. All cervix ornaments were taken off too the widow would, inward addition, take her earrings. Children too women would also supplant their skins with old too tattered ones.
In some clans, the widow would article of apparel a long peel extending from the pectus to the feet she would also position on her belatedly husband’s sandals which she would non take off fifty-fifty if the gourd was dingy too fifty-fifty at dark when she lay downward to sleep. She would also send her belatedly husband’s stick too gourd shape which the spout would have got been knocked off as a thing of custom.

                                                              Karamojong girls

Widowhood
Because Karamojong cultures have got strong gender too generational divisions of labor, it is extremely hard for traditional Karamojong women to alive without a hubby or manly mortal provider. Thus, most widows are inherited past times a brother-in-law.

Karamojong girl

This do occurs for several reasons, including to maintain the livestock assets within the menage unit of measurement too clan, to provide an adult manly mortal to facial expression afterward the herds (which the adult woman inherits from the deceased husband), too to provide the widow too children with access to food, peculiarly beast products. However, it was noted past times a number of our informants that these altruistic aspects are normally non cardinal inward cases of wife-inheritance too that many women too their children are treated poorly or neglected. In some cases, women explained that their brothers-in-laws (now husbands) did non provide food, shelter or whatever assistance for the adult woman or her children. These women were left caring for their children without the assist or assistance of a man, but were unable to seek some other husband. As 1 widow position it, “It is a job to live a widow. The other human being comes to inherit y'all but gives y'all problems instead of giving y'all life.” However, a widow may take her instance to the elders at the ekokwa too seek arbitration, too may have assist from the elders for her needs too the needs of her children.

                                   Karamojong woman

Widows are entitled to the herds of their deceased hubby nether customary law. However, the brothers-in-law of some widows took these cattle from them past times force, too and then used the animals for bride cost to larn a novel too normally younger wife. Widows who did inherit their husbands’ animals often sold off much of the herd before long afterward their husband’s decease inward an elbow grease to run across their survival needs. This included widows who were inherited—and supposedly provided for—by brothers-in-law. Indeed, inward our study of out-migration inward Bokora, nosotros found that widows who were inherited past times brother-in-laws were amid the most vulnerable populations too reported high levels of abuse too neglect of themselves too their children.
Not all widows are inherited. In particular, a adult woman who was non married with cattle has no obligation to remain with the clan of her deceased husband. Wife-inheritance is possible inward some of these cases, too it is upwards to the elders of the man’s clan to determine if a adult woman who was non officially married with cattle should have got the alternative to live inherited too thereby remain component of the clan. Some women, including those married with cattle, said that a adult woman with adult sons could sometimes reject existence inherited, as the sons could maintain the herd too provide for their mother. Overall, however, women who were married with cattle have got few options upon the decease of their husband, too several widows reported that they were unable to reject to live inherited, fifty-fifty past times men known to live abusive. H5N1 few women recounted instances of rape past times a brother-in-law afterward they protested the instant marriage. After the rape they said they felt they had no alternative but to remain with the brother-in-law.

                                     Karamojong fiddling boy

When their pilus had grown in 1 trial to a greater extent than but was silent short, mourners would rub themselves all over with dust to rid themselves of the contamination of the dead. The dead man’s contemporaries would too then kill his favorite ox too consume it. There were no supplications offered at this ceremony. The dead man’s relatives would come upwards too if he had brothers, they would inherit his wives too component of the wealth.

But it was non usual amid the Karimojong people to hash out inheritance until afterward quite some time.
If the human being had no brothers, the eldest boy would inherit the immature wives but it would take several months before the formal distribution would live done.

Whenever a principal died, he would live buried inward the ticker of the kraal. The wives too members of the menage unit of measurement were normally buried circular the sides close the entrance of the kraal.
Though they tended to have got some elements of similarity with the Turkana of Kenya, the Karimojong people would non leave of absence the hamlet afterward someone had died similar the Turkana did.


Cattle Raiding
Cattle rustling or raiding has gone on for generations amid pastoral groups throughout the Karamoja Cluster. Traditionally, too to some extent today, raided cattle were used to redistribute wealth too nutrient inward times of scarcity, larn bride price, too to shape alliances with other families, manyattas too tribes. Major shifts inward power, governments too armies inward Uganda, the relatively unimpeded acquisition of weapons too ammunition throughout Karamoja, periods of repeated too prolonged drought, the spread of livestock diseases—among other important factors—have influenced too shaped practices of raiding too have got been discussed inward depth past times a number of authors. Historically too today, raiding has caused tensions betwixt the Karamojong too their neighbors, as good as within Karamoja itself, too these tensions have got a direct impact upon livelihood systems.

There was an of import shift inward the nature too impact of raiding inward Karamoja inward the 1970s. The traditional Karimojong alliance of the Pian, Moroto too Bokora collapsed inward the initiatory off one-half of the decade. Several years of miserable harvests exacerbated tensions over access to natural resources, too little scale thefts, retaliatory attacks too raids—never before sanctioned against other Karimojong groups—increased. The Matheniko cemented their friendship with the Turkana inward the belatedly 1970s, creating a formidable strength inward the eastern component of the part too across the edge with Kenya. These events set the phase for what many recall as a turning dot inward the violence inward the region—the raiding of the Moroto barracks past times the Matheniko (with assist from the Turkana) afterward the autumn of the Idi Amin inward 1979. The raiders made off with an estimated 12,000 weapons (mostly automatic G3s) too large amounts of ammunition. Jie inward Kotido raided a smaller armory at roughly the same time.

 In 1980, the Karamoja part was striking past times a serious drought too famine, too the strong too newly-armed groups (namely the Matheniko too the Jie) turned on the Bokora too the Dodoth (who had non gained weapons from Amin’s barracks) too stripped them of nearly all their cattle. This widespread plunder spread throughout Karamoja too into neighboring districts, exacerbating the effects of the severe drought. The loss of livestock, out-migration of herds, inability to flora crops due to the drought too insecurity, too cessation of merchandise due to the threat of set on on vehicles resulted inward rising nutrient insecurity, too past times early on 1980 people began to run out of food. The Great Famine, called Akoro, had begun. An estimated 50,000 people would croak before the famine’s end.

Raids past times Karamojong groups had devastating impacts inward neighboring districts throughout the 1980s. To illustrate, prior to the mid-1980s, the rural agro-pastoral populations too economies of neighboring Lango too Acholiland were relatively strong. The Acholi too Langi people had just about 685,000 caput of cattle inward 1980 according to statistics from the Ministry of Animal Industry. Cattle were a shape of savings, a agency to send children to school, a way to offset crop failure or pay for medical costs, too were used as bride price. In 1986, the authorities of Milton Obote barbarous too the National Resistance Movement (NRM) came to power.

The Acholi troops loyal to Obote fled into Sudan, leaving the northern part largely undefended, spell at the same fourth dimension the NRM was consolidating powerfulness inward the southward too cardinal regions of the country. Seeing that the NRM was making no moves to protect the Lango too Acholi regions, the Karamojong swept into the part with a large number of men too weapons, too repeatedly plundered the local communities throughout the latter one-half the 1980s. They stole nearly all the cattle, causing estimated herd sizes to drib to 72,000 past times 1989 inward Acholiland too Lango. Neither the NRM nor its the world forces intervened to halt the Karamojong raids.

                                   Karamojong people,Ikland,Uganda

Changes inward Armed Raiding
While a number of authors have got discussed the role of weapons inward the do of raiding, our study looks at several of import shifts that have got occurred inward the do of armed raiding amid the Karamojong. The most notable shifts are the replacement of spears with firearms, the waning of the role of ‘family guns’ inward the human face of increased access to weapons too ammunition, changes inward rules too practices of raiding, changes inward the composition too timing of raiding parties, shifts inward the role of elders inward sanctioning raids, too the emergence of a crisis of authorisation with the lack of succession of powerfulness from the senior generation-set to the junior generation-set. Furthermore, it is of import to maintain inward hear that although peace agreements tin can lastly for decades, alliances amid the Karamojong groups too with neighboring groups are inward constant flux too no grouping remains permanently costless of the threat of raids or attack.
Spears too “Family Guns”
                                              Karamojong warrior

Traditionally, the Karamojong used spears for hunting too raiding. Traders initiatory off introduced firearms into the surface area inward the instant one-half of the nineteenth century, too guns began to gradually supplant spears as a to a greater extent than lethal weapon for hunting too raiding. But guns were expensive too few families owned fifty-fifty a single firearm. Only wealthier families could afford a firearm for occupation past times their elderberry sons to protect the livestock spell herding. The weapon was referred to as a ‘family gun’ too no activity could live taken with that weapon without the approbation of the manly mortal parent too mother. Elders too seers were involved inward decisions regarding raids on other groups. Many Karamojong continued to occupation spears regularly until firearms became to a greater extent than widely available, start inward the 1960s.

By the 1970s, automatic weapons began to flow into the part from traders inward the extended Karamoja Cluster. The provide of firearms continued largely unabated too from different sources over the next 3 decades. The abandonment of Idi Amin’s armories inward Moroto inward 1979 too the subsequent looting inward Moroto too Kotido past times the Matheniko too Jie; lesser looting of barracks too police force posts past times the Sor, Jie, Pian too Bokora; attacks on armed services convoys past times the Bokora; the state of war betwixt the authorities of Sudan (GoS) too Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) too the arming of diverse pastoral groups past times both sides; the provision of weapons to pastoral groups inward Republic of Uganda inward an elbow grease to counter rebel uprisings inward Teso too Acholi; too a growing regional weapons merchandise with markets inward Sudan, Kenya, Uganda, too Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia combined to final result inward a massive influx of weapons into the region.

The total number of firearms inward Karamoja too inward southern Sudan increased farther with the cessation of overt hostilities inward southern Sudan inward 2005. There were an estimated 40,000 to 100,000 firearms inward Karamoja at the start of the initiatory off major disarmament crusade inward 2000, too prior to the start of disarmament nearly every adult manly mortal carried a weapon inward public. Guns were in 1 trial to a greater extent than widely visible throughout Karamoja prior to the armed services offensive launched past times the GoU inward 2006. Given the amount of firepower inward Karamoja prior to the disarmament campaigns, a single large raid could (and often did) final result inward the deaths of hundreds of people, with many of the causalities amid unarmed women, children too the elderly.


The Transformation of Raiding
In the past, seers, elders, warriors too women all were consulted too had a vocalisation (though non of equal weight) as to whether or non a raid would live carried out. This consultation physical care for arose out of the important, too inward some cases essential, roles played past times different groups inward the manyattas too kraals inward the planning too implementation of the raid. Seers provided information on the best timing for the raid, the proper animals to live sacrificed to ensure a successful raid, the best routes to too from the raiding site, the kinds of animals to raid, too so on. Seers passed this information to the elders, who would take hold ceremonies too programme the enactment of the raid with the warriors.18 The women blessed the warriors too prepared meat inward a special way for the men to take with them. Women also had the task of watching over the shroud too wooden loving cup of the warrior (father, hubby and/or son) spell he was away. Ensuring that aught happened to these personal possessions was meant to foreclose whatever harm befalling the men.

Warriors also consulted with the sharpshooters too scouts who provided details on how to send out the raid, which individuals should move on the raid, too what roles different people would play. Sharpshooters are men who have got proven themselves to live really sharp too brave warriors. They are often really practiced shots, existence able to component similar snipers past times killing enemies at a distance. They may have got deep too sonorous voices, too hence are able to projection instructions (e.g., “move there,” “circle about there,” “move depression over there”) during battles to their colleagues. They are also skilled at planning raids too or repelling attacks. Traditional raiding parties included both armed too unarmed men, with the latter driving the raided animals home. Raided animals joined the herds of the families of the warriors, too some were presented direct to the seers too elders inward observe too appreciation. The interest too do goodness of the entire community meant that the raids were sanctioned too that all community members (for the most part) approved of too played an active role inward contributing to the raid.

In the past, a serial of elaborate rules dictated conduct before, during too afterward the raids. These rules included how spears could live used during armed attacks. Seers too elders performed specific rituals to ensure the warriors’ security too success inward the raids. Women worked together with the elders to bless too protect the raiders. Knighton describes how warriors would seldom exit on raids until existence blessed past times their mothers. The women anointed their sons with ritual clay to protect them from enemy bullets, spears too arrows. Additionally, specific rituals would live conducted to welcome the raided animals abode too to ensure their continuing health. Rituals to appease the spirits of whatever victims killed past times the warriors were also performed; these rites prevented the spirits from haunting their killers. Seers prescribed all of these rituals too passed them on to the elders. Seers too the elders, non the warriors, had the terminal say on whether to send out or abort a raid.

Traditionally, the community targeted for a raid would live sent messages to warn them of the coming attack. The alert messages often included a challenge, such as: “We are coming to take your cattle on such too such day. Therefore, if y'all are men enough, ascent upwards to defend your animals or else nosotros volition come upwards too take them!” The battles themselves took seat exterior the manyattas past times warriors dressed inward total battle. Traditional battle regalia included spears, shields, too peel sandals to protect the feet from thorns. Today, battle regalia would include an AK-47, a total mag of bullets, sandals made from tires, too a “stomach tightly fastened with a canvas to foreclose hunger pains during the long journeys inward search of target cattle.” Women too children would displace away from the battle surface area inward advance. Loss of human life was minimal, as taboos existed on the killing of unarmed women, children, too the elderly. Those who killed such protected persons were believed to live cursed. This contrasts Knighton’s reports on Jie views towards killing women. Knighton states that warriors score their right arms for the number of men killed too left arms for the number of women killed. Knighton posits that killing enemy women is legitimate inward the persuasion of the Jie because they play such an of import role inward supporting raids, view Knighton (2005), 1 196. Perhaps it is because of the different cosmology of the Jie that it is legitimate for them to kill women too children during raids, spell for other Karamojong groups it is taboo (see Lamphear 1 994 too Knighton op. cit. )

Women would celebrate the homecoming of the warriors from a successful raid with ululating, singing too dancing to welcome the men too novel animals home. Women also ululated to celebrate the rubber homecoming of warriors from unsuccessful raids (i.e., no animals captured). Women too girls played an of import role inward motivating men inward their raids past times singing inward praise of mighty warriors or cajoling those who were considered cowards.

Today, the performance of extensive rituals too adherence to stringent regulations inward the planning too implementation of raids is rare. More commonly, warriors force upwards plans for raids inward cloak-and-dagger too and then launch attacks against unsuspecting groups. Prohibitions on the occupation of strength during an set on appear to no longer exist. For instance, during an attack, raiders mightiness shoot into a manyatta or kraal where women, children too the elderly are located. Children volition reportedly run out from their manyattas or kraals inward different directions during an attack, taking diverse escape routes inward an elbow grease to avoid existence killed. Warriors at nowadays seek to minimize their contact with other warriors—who are probable to live armed—preferring instead to target the immature shepherds or herdsmen guarding the animals.27 Young herders (nearly all males) nosotros interviewed all spoke nearly their fearfulness of existence killed past times enemies who mightiness strike at whatever fourth dimension spell they graze their animals. Today, warriors may also launch attacks within kraals, seeking animals as good as household property. Female respondents reported that enemy warriors volition kill women too children found within the kraals, including those attempting to flee. Huts are looted afterward their occupants are killed. Women reported that they no longer leave of absence immature children unattended inward the kraals because of the threat of surprise raids on the kraals.

Respondents too key informants brand distinctions betwixt ‘thefts’ too ‘raids.’ Thefts are described as smaller scale, to a greater extent than opportunistic too to a greater extent than frequent, too thefts many involve only a few men who determine to seek to take take hold of some animals. Animals that larn separated from the main herd or a herd inward an isolated surface area are the most vulnerable to thefts. The chemical constituent of surprise contributes to the success of thefts, as most occur when shepherds are unprepared to fighting back. In contrast, raids are much larger, amend organized, too much less frequent. Problems betwixt groups tin can start with the regular occurrence of thefts, which may gradually increment inward reach too intensity to larn full-scale raids.

Karamojong girl

In the past times raids mostly occurred across district, county or province borders too amid different tribal groups. In component this was because it was easier to contain raided animals into herds that were far from their seat of origin. More importantly, internal or territorial cohesion made it taboo to raid allied groups. This alter has been most pronounced amid the Karimojong ethnic grouping (Pian, Bokora too Matheniko), who did non engage inward raids amongst themselves until the early on to mid 1970s. Today, raided or stolen animals are often sold quickly, inward component to foreclose them from existence traced or recovered inward revenge attacks, too internal raids within the borders of Karamoja too amid quondam allies such as the Matheniko too Bokora
are common.

The Karamojong Tribe

Karamoja has been overtaken past times modern Africa. The Karamojong way of life has been torn to pieces past times the introduction of automatic weapons, tight edge regulations too a full general ignorance on the component of the ease of Republic of Uganda too most who come upwards into contact with them. The Karamojong have got been victims of armed services persecution too of the automatic weapons that have got flooded into their guild afterward the defeat of Idi Amin’s army.

[The next information was taken from Feinstein International Center at Tufts University]

Following discussions with UNICEF inward 2006, a squad from the University built on its ongoing piece of work inward the part too designed a projection to assemble detailed too specific information on livelihoods too human security of groups within Moroto District.

The Karamojong are a nomadic tribe from the northeastern component of Republic of Uganda whose livelihood depends on keeping cattle. Karamoja is a 27,200 foursquare kilometer surface area of semi-arid savannah, bush too mountains. By far the most of import ecological characteristic of this part is its rainfall pattern. During many years the rains are lean or neglect altogether. Thus, drought too hunger is a recurrent characteristic of life inward Karamoja. Competition for scarce resources, peculiarly H2O too pasture, too the high value placed on cattle have got produced a civilization of raiding too warfare within which men are noted for their bravery too their wealth.

In past times generations, groups would displace according to H2O too pasture conditions. Since the 1970s, regular moving patterns have got been curtailed due to the increment of cross edge security too internal raids. Insecurity has brought fifty-fifty tighter borders too strained relationships amid groups within too next to Karamoja.

Because of the nomadic type of existence and a reliance on cattle too crops, didactics has long been viewed past times many Karamojong communities as unimportant too irrelevant. As a final result of this fact, most people inward Republic of Uganda too the world persuasion the Karamojong as an uneducated too ignorant grouping of people without taking into consideration these reasons.

Karamoja receives really fiddling attending past times international donors, agencies too organizations. International coverage normally depicts instability inward Karamoja due simply to cattle rustling amid tribes too across borders. The Ugandan media too politicians repeatedly stereotype the Karamojong people as primitive too backward. Instability inward the part is dismissed as a “cultural problem” or characterized purely as criminal behavior. Little attending is given to the implications of this insecurity on the native population.

Armed violence too the deterioration of the traditional economic scheme move on to transform the guild too ecology of Karamoja. With their cattle herds depleted or gone, too many of their traditional agricultural areas abandoned because of fearfulness of armed raiders, many of these poverty-stricken people turned to alternative ways of life.

“There is too much blood existence spilled on the land. The rituals are non performed as they should be. The authorities approaches us too our children with violence-they do non know our lives. The insecurity is finishing the animals too the immature men. Perhaps Akuju has left us for at nowadays to complete ourselves”.

– Quote from a Karamojong Elder

Karimojong immature lady children carrying their kids along Kampala street