Info For You Lot Afro-Brazilian Umbanda: The African Yoruba Organized Faith That Incorporates Catholicism,Amerindian Beliefs Together With French Spiritualism
Umbanda is a syncretic faith that incorporated Catholicism, Native South American beliefs too Kardecism -- French spiritualism -- into the African possession cults that survived Jesuit extermination.
The origins of Umbanda go dorsum to the Yoruban religion, brought to Brazil yesteryear the African slaves inwards the 16th century. This African religion, based on the channeling of deities who correspond forces of nature spell sharing, similar the Greek gods, human passions, is the foundation for a variety of possession cults of which Umbanda is a afterward manifestation.
Afro-Brazilian Umbanda devotees inwards worship
In monastic enjoin to escape persecution, the Yoruban Gods, called Orixás, "disguised themselves" every bit the Saints of the oppressor. For instance, Ogum, the warrior god is also Saint George; Yemanjá, woman parent too Goddess of the Ocean is equivalent to Mary. While some cults were formed out of the want to save the African civilization (and thus retained its homogeneity), Umbanda would emerge out of the important encounter betwixt the Africans that managed to escape slavery, the indigenous civilization too an European component.
Umbanda worshipper dancing too experiencing trance
In the beginnings of this century, the infiltration of Kardecism, an European spiritist motion which was a mix of possession cult too evolutionary doctrine, along with the Catholic facade, brought Umbanda "to the surface" -- every bit an subway scheme religious motion (Sales 16-19) . Esther Pressel points to the fact that the mix of Umbanda is non ever a balanced 1 --some terreiros (temples or spiritual centers -- the root of the give-and-take refers to "earth") are to a greater extent than Africanized, others to a greater extent than spiritist -- too that it was the spiritist element, since it presents possession every bit a calmer phenomenon, which made the faith to a greater extent than palatable to the to a greater extent than educated, too thus higher classes (218). In my opinion, it oriented Umbanda towards the middle shape but it never excluded the lower classes who were the foundation through out the physical care for of its formation.
The cosmologies of all Afro-Brazilian cults part the same Yoruban deities. However, inwards Umbanda, instead of the descent of the Orixás into the bodies of the "sons too daughters of saints," also called mediums or "horses," it is the spirits of the dead ancestors that come upwards downwards to give advice too heal the adepts. The Brazilian anthropologist Lísias Negrão provides an insightful description of these spirit types inwards terms of their business office too personality. One of the most famous types of spirits is the Caboclo, who represents the spirit of a dead Indian - He is immature too strong, knows the mysteries of the wood too the healing powerfulness of plants. He gives advice on mundane issues that telephone telephone for quick decision. The other major type is the Preto Velho spirit of the former dark person, who is wise too calm too gives advice on greater issues. He also knows herbs but since he's been catholicized, he tin give the axe speak of Jesus too fifty-fifty propose western medicine. The tertiary type is the "Child", who has no specific ethnicity. He or she just comes downwards to play too cook people happy.
The "Child," who isn't of whatever particular ethnicity, is considered only Brazilian. Besides these major types, at that spot are also the trickster spirits such every bit Exus too the Pomba Gyras, the prostitutes. Because they are considered the unsafe ones, most rituals start yesteryear "feeding them," meaning: paying them homage, so that they don't plough against the participants. There are other types of spirits that are feature of specific regions of Brazil such every bit the bohemian, smart-ass sort of spirit, known every bit Zé Pilantra, who is the stereotype of the natives of Rio de Janeiro (205-244). Kardecism brought, along with the doctrine of reincarnation nowadays inwards many Asian religions, the emphasis on invoking spirits of dead intellectuals, such every bit those of doctors too professors, who are usually of European background. Given the multi-ethnicity of the cosmology, it isn't a surprise that the adepts too mediums are real racially mixed, too it is of import to authorities annotation that the fusion is magnified when a white adult man channels an Indian or when a dark adult man channels a white too so on.
Xangô - Santuário Nacional da Umbanda
A similar dynamic causing a temporary erasure of shape boundaries, in all probability facilitated the evolution of Umbanda every bit parallel to the growth of Brazil every bit an urban-industrial society. The shape communion existent inside the ritual ceremony balances out the extreme economical inequality of the society. However, it seems to get a surely social conformity since the pathetic are content with their province of affairs every bit long every bit it is cyclically overthrown during the ritual sessions. Besides, according to Leilah Landim, Umbanda presents a possibility of social mobility inside its context, through the hierarchy of mediumship (104). This, inwards my opinion, also works inwards favor of the resolution of shape conflicts exterior the ritual context though it does non increment social mobility. Nonetheless, though the possibility for social alter is diminished here, this temporary pods of shape integration are silent extremely valid too necessary.
Ogum - Santuário Nacional da UmbandaBesides beingness a stage for the communion of people defined yesteryear who they are rather than yesteryear what they have, Umbanda is the only house inwards Brazilian social club that 1 escapes sexism, since inwards most terreiros "women are a bulk alongside the mediums" (Pressel 217). While the Orixas have got specific genders, the spirits of Umbanda, non only tin give the axe live of both genders but also tin give the axe live incorporated yesteryear a medium of opposite gender. Some anthropologists, who appear at possession through a psychoanalytical perspective, assert that women are a bulk only because they are to a greater extent than repressed (217). Though it is a logical conclusion based on their reductive agreement of an extremely complex phenomenon, my personal experience rejects it. The woman individual mediums I have got met, including fellow member of my family, were ever real independent too strong -- their initiation was sort of a natural progression of their lives. Thus, the woman individual predominance inwards mediumship points to a intuitive restoration of balance, that successfully expresses too resolves gender tensions inwards too exterior of the ritual context.
Although the interchange of identities alongside people of different ethnicity, social shape too gender is definitely the main agent of a coherent Brazilian identity, surely elements of the possession ceremony too the relations betwixt its components are key to furthering our agreement of the social pregnant of Umbanda. Even though the ceremonies vary a lot from terreiro to terreiro, the basic components of the ritual itself tin give the axe live seen every bit the micro-dynamics of a societal urge for communion. Group participation is a key element. All the individuals demand to live concentrated to shape a strong liberate energy bond so that the Equus caballus -- the channeler -- tin give the axe have the spirit. The channeling is preceded yesteryear specific songs, drums or mitt clapping, depending on the orientation -- to a greater extent than or less African. Once the spirit descends, the ritual assumes a to a greater extent than individualistic stage which consists of waiting to have advice too live cleansed yesteryear the spirit that comes through the medium. In smaller terreiros, similar the 1 I grew upwards around, after the private advice too healing, the spirit gives full general advice to the grouping every bit a whole too and so the grouping concentration too faith is 1 time once again required so that the medium tin give the axe come upwards dorsum safely.
The relation betwixt medium too spirit is good illustrated yesteryear Victor Turner's enquiry on what he called "the dialectics of Umbanda": Whether witting or unconscious, "Possession is at 1 time a collective too an private phenomenon, Velho writes, for the entities received belong to a mythological system, yet each medium gives the entity s/he personifies an idiosyncratic elaboration. Each medium has a preto Velho, but the medium Mario has his ain Preto-Velho, 'Pai Benedito' " (qtd. inwards Turner 54). This clear analogy to the integrative business office of theatre is also reflected inwards the human relationship betwixt an goodness too the entities. It seems every bit if the spiritual hierarchy, though existent is minimized yesteryear the possibility of audience participation. Anyone is capable -- most of the times involuntarily -- to have an entity. Besides, the feeling of communion is enhanced yesteryear the fact that the entities seem to alive inwards a real similar stuff setting. I retrieve beingness struck at the historic menses of 8 yesteryear the humanness of these higher beings when my Preta Velha (channeled yesteryear my grandmother) said inwards a joking manner: "Oh, I meliorate go, 'cause Preto Velho is just sitting at that spot on his tiny stool, smoking his pipe, staring at the burn waiting to come upwards down."
The syncretism that characterizes Umbanda is non a closed system, it is a physical care for that is inwards constant mutation too adaptation to particular regional needs. "Umbanda doesn't search for legitimation inwards the keeping of tradition, but rather on the efficacy of its works" (Landim 101). Although all terreiros part a similar cosmology each pump is real independent from 1 another, real autonomous, dissimilar organized religion. There is no rigorous codification of the ritual sequence nor of the belief systems (Pressel 134). In fact, the inventiveness inwards developing a particular ritual linguistic communication is a shape of acceptance. Thus, Umbanda occupies the realm of fine art too theater, funneling the inventiveness of its members through a constant reassessment of the pregnant of the ritual, which is to say, the pregnant of their lives.
It is of import to betoken out that, according to Turner, inwards spite of the integrative business office of the autonomous too heterogeneous terreiros, they are neither complimentary of internal conflicts nor of conflicts alongside themselves. They are a microcosmos of the social club at large, but hither the conflicts are mostly alongside entities, so they are supported yesteryear the mythological stories that are the backbone of the rites. Even the powerfulness fighting alongside the administrative representatives of the terreiros should live seen every bit an chance to "develop collective identity" (47). Thus, the powerfulness struggles inside a particular terreiro too alongside terreiros for the influence over an surface area is a vital component of the dynamics though which Umbanda expresses too resolves social tensions.
What fascinates me the most virtually Umbanda is the elimination of racial boundaries. What is peculiarly intriguing is the real fact that there's no beak virtually multi-ethnicity inside its circles. It seems that the physical care for happened so naturally that nobody questions it -- I hadn't questioned it until after nearly xx years of practice. Umbanda doesn't preach for racial mixture; Umbanda is ethnic fusion. Here, the dead spirits aren't only dark slaves; they're Indians, cowboys, prostitutes, bohemians, professors, doctors, tricksters, too children. While some scholars, such every bit Bastide, discovery that Umbanda is a degeneration of the African heritage because it signifies a 2d subjugation to white values through its adoption of white too amerindian spiritism (qtd. inwards Landim 102), I think that the mediation yesteryear the spirit of the dead ancestors, spell it distances itself from its origins, is truly a shape of reaffirming the essence of the Yoruban religion: the real possession element. If possession is virtually beingness a vessel for that which is around us though nosotros can't reckon it -- or most of the fourth dimension turn down to reckon it -- how could the channelers, the mediums of this sacred fine art non live possessed yesteryear the racial tensions inwards its environment? According to Sheila Walker possession is the real opposite of religious passivity, for inwards the deed of establishing communication with the gods (which, inwards this instance is mediated yesteryear the spirits) humans are "taking positive constructive activeness inwards creating an monastic enjoin of which men are inwards command rather than helpless" (103). So, the bully lesson of Umbanda lies inwards its deliberate interpretation of what "ancestry" means, since its realm embraces every bit ancestors people who alive inwards the same the world inwards spite of their ethnic roots. Therefore, this redefinition of genealogy enables the ritual to business office every bit an agent of integration of national identity. Furthermore, perhaps what the existence of Umbanda is trying to tell us is that the survival of an ancient ritual inwards the context of a modern social club has to a greater extent than to make with learning how to grow through a physical care for of inclusion than with maintaining the purity of its roots through a physical care for of exclusion. -- Carla Melo
Works Cited
Landim, Leilah. Sinais dos Tempos: Tradições Religiosas no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto de Estudos da Religião, 1989.
Negrão, Lísias Nogueira . Entre a Cruz e a Encruzilhada. São Paulo: Edusp, 1996.
Pressel, Esther. Umbanda Trance too Possession inwards São Paulo, Brazil. Trance , Healing, too Hallucination. Ed. Irving I. Zaretsky. New York: Wiley-Interscience, 1974. 134, 217-218.
Sales, Nivio Ramos. Rituais Negros e Caboclos. Rio de Janeiro: Pallas, 1984.
Turner, Victor. The Anthropology of Performance. New York: Paj Publications, 1988.
Walker, Sheila. Ceremonial Spirit Possession inwards Africa too Afro-America. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1972.
Oxum - Santuário Nacional da Umbandasource:http://www.y2gypsies.com/html/umbanda.html
further reading:http://www.strategicnetwork.org/pdf/kb15781.pdf
Spirit Possession too Healing Cult alongside the Brasilian Umbanda
Horst H. Figge
Umbanda is an animistic-spiritistic faith of Brazil with several million adherents especially in the bigger Cities. It may be characterized every bit an extraecclesiastic consolidation of popular catholicism inside the vacant forms of ancient Afro-Brasilian sects. The key belief is the existence of all sorts of spirits; a key occupation is to give them the chance temporarily to take concur of human bodies. There may live a hundred chiliad or to a greater extent than trained incorporation-mediums in Brazil yesteryear now, that is, people who inwards surely instances believe, too are thought yesteryear others, to live spirits.
Umbanda devotee inwards spiritual worship
There are, roughly speaking, 5 categories of spirits called too embodied in Umbanda: deities of nature (who are seen inwards unopen connection to Catholic saints), former people, goodness too bad people of middle age, and
children. All of them demo a semi-standardized behavior. Personally known dead are seldom or never called.
There is no cult session at all without the presence of embodied spirits. The priest himself ever is a medium too he leads the grouping too the sessions mainly through his different spirit roles. Every developed medium is the 'horse', every bit it is called, of at to the lowest degree 1 spirit of each category, generally of more. Mediums are complimentary to comprise whatever spirit, manlike individual or female of whatever category - or inwards the linguistic communication of Umbanda: the spirits are complimentary to
choose whatever medium.
Afro-Brazilian Umbanda religious devotee
Umbanda does non know whatever organisation or leadership to a higher house the level of the thousands of cult-groups. Groups shape around surely priests called `chiefs' who develop their mediums too afterward an ordain priests from
among them. The novel priests may shape their ain grouping or remain with their spiritual manlike individual parent or mother. The social background of members too of passive visitors, the behavior of the spirits, the display of special
clothing, headgear, etc., may be different from group to group, depending on the preferences of the chief, respective his embodied spirits.
In well-organized groups the different categories of spirits are called one by one. If necessary, spirits appearing at the incorrect moment, are more or less politely sent away. The sessions mostly are accompanied and guided inwards every stage yesteryear songs too rhythmic clapping of hands or drumming, which way that songs too rhythms are specific, e.g. to certain categories of spirits or fifty-fifty to surely private spirits. A Session may finally from 2-6 h or more. The sessions most appreciated by the mediums are festive ones inwards the opened upwards air: inwards the woods; at the seaside; on a street-crossing, etc., too they may finally for a whole 24-hour interval or a whole night. Mediums may embody spirits for hours. The same way they are asked to incorporate, spirits are asked to retire, mostly yesteryear songs.
They may, however, retire spontaneously after taking adequate leave. As the basic conduct of spirits of a surely category follows norms, so does the conduct shown at the alternation points betwixt medium-role
and spirit-role, the 2d inwards which the spirit is thought to go into too to leave the body. Especially at the halt of the possession most Umbandists must live helped yesteryear assistants, because otherwise they would seriously
injure themselves. In the course of education of possession the assistant is a sort of servant to the spirit; however, he also sees to it that the spirit does not infringe the norms of Brazilian social club too of the group, too that he does
not harm his 'horse', etc. The declared main object of Umbanda is to make charity. This, however, in
the firstly house way 'spiritual charity' too `charity done yesteryear spirits'. The greater component of passive believers come upwards to the cult sessions only to be helped. They are non real much interested inwards a ritual they hardly
understand, they have got only superficial knowledge of the theological background.
We may distinguish iv main kinds of handling inside Umbanda: countermagic, fluid manipulation, offerings too mediumship. Which one of those is prescribed inwards a given instance depends on many things except on the occupation itself every bit it is seen yesteryear us, the unbelieving. Unidentified pain, a badly healing wound, fearfulness of dogs, lack of professional person success may all be treated inwards the same way, but the headache of 1 individual yesteryear a completely
different method than the headache of some other one. The spirits are non at all interested inwards what problem or illness a patient really has, what the existent reasons are or the historical developments. They are almost solely interested inwards what the patient thinks he suffers, what he thinks the reasons are, too finally what he tin give the axe live made to think of as an effective treatment. The diagnosis, if nosotros may telephone telephone it thus, is always orientated yesteryear given possibilities of treatment. As spirits only dispose of spiritual means, the troubles have got to live explained spiritually to be accessible to the methods.
There must live mentioned a possible exception, because sometimes spirits prescribe household medicine. But fifty-fifty inwards these cases the intention is mainly spiritual: they may prescribe a tea of orangish leaves too garlic, and when the patient utters his aversion against garlic, cook him pour it out inwards front end of the main cross of a cemetery at midnight. I have got several times witnessed spirits ordering believers to reckon a MD too inquire
whether directions given yesteryear doctors were followed. But 1 have got also found pills too fifty-fifty catgut inwards offerings at the seaside.
(1) Countermagic. Nearly every Brazilian is convinced of the possibility of helping too harming people yesteryear unnatural means. The spirits generally confirm a patient's assumption to live the victim of a magic attack. The
supposedly guilty individual is speedily found, when the patient names anyone he does non like. The spirit too so invents a story of magic actions against the patient, which he tin give the axe neutralize yesteryear stronger ones, too he is willingly helped yesteryear the patient who may have got noticed something disturbing, the loss of a slice of cloth, a coloured ribbon inwards front end of the door or the like. lt is important that differences betwixt offerings too actions of positive or negative magic too countennagic are mainly spiritual, which way they cannot live recognized, at to the lowest degree non yesteryear a mutual believer. Thus, the countermagic that 1 of them puts somewhere, may yesteryear erroneously considered harmful magic yesteryear the adjacent one.
Umbanda Ogun rituals
Actually at that spot is quite a lot of destructive magic done too. But from the belief itself results that the individual aimed at neuer perceives it, because otherwise he would live able to defend himself or fifty-fifty throw the spell back. Thus, results of dark magic are possible only an the side of its originator and it truly may live considered 1 of the most lucky way of neutralizing aggressive tendencies.
(2) Fluid manipulation. Umbandists believe that at that spot are 2 kinds of spiritual liberate energy inwards everything that exists. Living beings, objects, acts, thoughts, everything, are loaded with a surely quantity of positive and
negative fluid too irradiate them onto surrounding or connected bearers. Indicators of bad fluids are, e.g., filth, ugliness, bad luck, remorse; indicators of goodness fluids are the contrary. Frech air, daily bath, pleasing
conversation, constructive thoughts, etc., augment the part of positive fluids. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 positive residuum of goodness fluids way well-being, contentment, freedom of hurting too sorrow, etc. Only embodied spirits have got the faculty to manipulate fluids directly. They make so mainly yesteryear so-called `passes'. Giving passes, the spirit moves his hands along the body-contours of the patient, by which physical care for bad fluids are thought to live drawn out. They are thought to condense inside the torso of the `horse' and yesteryear the special forces of the spirit to live thrown out into the universe yesteryear finger snaps or the like.
There are many variants of passes. Some spirits touching the patients more or less intensely, some fifty-fifty elevator them upwards too whirl them around, some may intensely quiver all the time, giving the patient's head, his neck or other parts a vibration massage, silent others prefer to care for with the smoke of their pipage or cigar or with H2O or brandy. Most of those procedures are accompanied yesteryear hardly understandable mutters of prayers, wishes too advices of unspecific content.
Believers make non demo whatever visible final result afterwards, but champaign they must live convinced of the efficacy, because they come upwards for handling week after calendar week or at to the lowest degree when inwards problem which they reckon inwards connection with a personal surplus of negative fluids. Also the mediums themselves similar to get passes. The fully developed ones, however, are given passes only by their ain spirits, that way the embodied spirits cook clean their ain `horse'.
Umbanda devotee
Closely related to fluid manipulation is what is called `exchange of head'. Spirits claim to live able to take surely troubles, which are considered things that 1 has too that tin give the axe live taken away from 1 individual too given to some other one. This may live done secretly onto a known - mostly an unknown victim - yesteryear magic acts. If it is done openly, the patient can observe a medium wince, live shaken yesteryear clonic twitches, autumn to the ground,
etc., because, every bit he is told, the bad essence moves from him to the body of the medium. The medium is cleaned yesteryear his ain goodness spirits afterward on. Often the substitution of caput is done with animals which are usually killed afterwards. Longer lasting protection against evil is thought to live given by certain types of necklaces with Fe links too amulets prepared or at least blessed too loaded yesteryear spirits or, e.g., yesteryear a glas of H2O pose behind the entrance door.
Umbanda Ogun rituals
(3) Offerings. Quite often believers are instructed to offering candles, flowers, food, etc., to goodness spirits, to guarantee their help, or to bad spirits to calm down their temper too cook them abstain from noxious influences. Although only few believers know, the spirits mostly pose much more importance on the deed of preparation, fourth dimension too house of deposition, and peculiarly to the patient's attitude, than to what is offered. lt is
amusing to reckon a pathetic patient create out with the consulted spirit who may reduce his demand from 7 dark chickens to 1 chocolate-brown 1 or fifty-fifty to three inexpensive cigars, every bit long every bit he is convinced of the patient's honesty.
(4) Mediumship. The handling that interferes most with the life course of education of a patient is his evolution every bit a spirit medium. In the eyes of Umbandists, every human being has a lot of guiding and guarding spirits, the obligations against which, normally, are quite unimportant. In certain cases, however, it is believed that troubles are caused yesteryear those spirits as they want a individual to develop into a medium too thus give them the
opportunity to embody. Obviously this proposition is only made when the chief (or his spirit) is willing to take the patient every bit a fellow member of his group. If the patient is non able to go a medium, e.g. because he
cannot spare the necessary fourth dimension or if he just does non want to, the way out is offerings. If he consents, he has to purchase the cult clothes, accept certain regulations, too participate regularly inwards so-called developmental
sessions. The preparation is all most solely done yesteryear embodied spirits, so the trainee ever has inwards front end of him an instance of how spirits are thought to conduct through his body.
Most of the different techniques to eliminate the patient's primary personality by trance can be categorized in one of the two following possibilities: (a) continuous too increasingly opposite tendencies of
behavior are activated, yesteryear systematic humiliation or the skillful utilization of a strong aversion, until all of a abrupt the possibility of showing whatever behavior at all collapses. The patient may show abrupt, uncoordinated
movements, to a greater extent than or less generalized convulsions, states of jounce or swoon; (b) inside the atmosphere of expectation too fright inwards which the patient thinks himself surrounded yesteryear invisible beings, waiting for
them to force him out of his ain body, an instant is created inwards which he gets surely that the decisive 2d has come upwards too he cannot resist any more. He may live startled yesteryear a outcry or all of a abrupt live drawn off balance. It is a most amazing misinterpretation of sessions of spirit-possession cults, to speak of a hypnogenous situation. There is an ear-deafening vibrations in the mostly overcrowded room, the trainee has to stand, sometimes he is even pushed too pulled around. As before long every bit he starts to stagger or show other symptoms of his soul leaving the torso (as Umbandists would say) bystanders intensify their song, hollo salutes to the spirit they believe is starting to embody.
Yemanjá no Santuário Nacional da Umbandafact that after the preliminary preparation the secondary personality may get access to contents of the primary personality, so the spirit demand non larn all the particularities of his role, if too every bit his medium knows them.
The powerfulness to autumn into trance to a greater extent than or less spontaneously, too to embody a spirit conforming to the individually felt necessity of the moment, is guaranteed yesteryear what nosotros may telephone telephone internalization of the releaser. This and the avoidance of whatever possible rapport is brought virtually yesteryear the fact that nearly everybody inwards the cult grouping participates inwards the evolution of the new medium too yesteryear frequent too consummate alterations of the general situation.
Umbanda devotees
Furthermore, the evolution of mediums inwards too yesteryear the grouping guarantees that spirits make non go into into direct contact wich the medium's soul (via hallucinations or automatisms) at to the lowest degree non exterior the adequate group
situation.
Bibliography
Figge, H.H.: Geisterkult, Besessenheit und Magie in der UmbandaReligion Brasiliens (Alber, Freiburg/München 1973).
MYTHOLOGY AND KNOWLEDGE IN UMBANDA
An Examination of Social Forces in Brazil
and the Emergence of Umbanda.
Michael A. Nicklas
Indiana University
The interaction alongside various imported too indigenous spiritual traditions inwards Brazil has created numerous distinct and complex belief systems. During Brazil's colonial menses (1530-1822), African, Amerindian, and European transplants were inwards direct contact, too the differential interaction of their beliefs and practices has made for a distinct regional pattern. In this colonial context, diverse worldviews and previously well-defined spiritual beliefs and practices were thrust together, too have got developed syncretically too inwards juxtaposition. Several factors were especially important inwards determining the nature of these syncretic interactions. These included the geographical and environmental characteristics of the various regions, economic considerations, and the concentration of various ethnic groups in a given area, especially Africans of common origin.
Afro-Brazilian Umbanda devotees pouring libation every bit way of reaching their ancestor
This newspaper examines the ways inwards which 2 differing mythologies, Afro-Brazilian and Institutional Roman Catholic, have interacted in the Brazilian cultural context. The focus is on Umbanda, a syncretic
belief scheme which has developed primarily in urban Brazil in the nineteenth too twentieth centuries. Specifically, the birth and development of Umbanda is examined inwards terms of social forces which
are in opposition because of their different, mythologically-based, conceptions of the human relationship betwixt knowledge and power: Afro- Brazilian and Roman Catholic religious traditions concur contrasting
conceptions of this relationship. This distinction has socio-political implications which highlight the human relationship betwixt marginal cultures and the more dominant Catholic one.'
A consideration of contrasting social histories of Institutional Roman Catholicism and Umbanda, too of their differing perspectives on the acquisition of
knowledge and power provides insight into the social and political tension between these groups. This implicit difference sheds calorie-free on the historic marginalization of Umbanda inwards Brazil and on its current
growing popularity. The predominance of different ethnic groups inwards specific regions effected the emergence of distinct religious practices. The African Yoruba, originally from what is at nowadays Nigeria, were concentrated inwards the north-east region of Brazil known as Bahia. The high ratio of Yoruba to other West African groups inwards Bahia led to a continuation of Yoruban cultural too religious traits; for example, the religion Candomble, prevalent inwards this region, maintains the pageantry too color of the rich Yoruban pantheon. In contrast, the southern component of Brazil was directly affected by the importation of slaves of Bantu cultural background from southern Africa. Falling carbohydrate prices inwards the northeast led to a decreased demand for slave task at the same fourth dimension that increased mining in the southern region created a greater demand for slaves.
In African faith called Candomblé the Mother of Saint is meliorate knows inwards Yourubá linguistic communication every bit "Yalorixá".
This predominance of Bantu peoples explains, inwards part, the dominance of Bantu spirit practices, known as Macumba inwards Sao Paulo too Rio de Janeiro, too as CabulA in the province of Espirito Santo, inwards the southern part of the country. The Amerindian presence was most pronounced in the Amazon Basin and the interior northeast. Both fugitive slaves and those working on cattle ranches inwards these areas often had extended contact with Amerindian religious beliefs and practices. The final result of interaction betwixt African and Amerindian spirit beliefs is known in the Amazon Basin as Pajelanca and as Catimb6 in the province of Pernambuco. Thus, a geographical consideration of beliefs and practices in Brazil clarifies the emergence of this regional pattern which includes various Afro-Catholic, Afro-Amerindian, and Bantu-Yoruba syncretic tradition^.^
During the twentieth century, as the result of both widespread migration to urban areas too improved mass communication, beliefs and practices involving hypnomantic knowledge--knowledge gained
through possession or trance-have gradually become more uniform. The development of an industrial economy based primarily in the corridor between Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo has led to an influx
of people to this area from around the country. The diversity of spiritual practices which were thrust together in the Rio-Sao Paulo area has created a rich pool of knowledge from which Umbanda has
been born. Umbanda is the call used yesteryear the modern, syncretic groups which draw on Amerindian, African, and European sources for spiritual knowledge too power. This borrowing from multiple sources
distinguishes Umbanda from other regional Afro-Brazilian groups which tend to rely predominantly on 1 or 2 root sources. Beyond the blending of beliefs which could be expected from informal contact alongside individuals in an urban setting, another important vehicle of communication has emerged alongside Afro-Brazilian communities. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 "spiritist press" has developed, publishing a broad range of books dealing with hypnomantic knowledge and drawing upon European, African, too Amerindian traditions. The Imprensa Espirita is non a unmarried publishing group, but rather an umbrella term for the many minor publishers who make books dealing with hypnomantic knowledge and whose wares are sold in specialized bookstores which carry spiritual goods, every bit good every bit at newsstands and on street corners.
By way of defining Umbanda, I have chosen an illustrative example from the "spiritist press," Malungo, Decodifica@o da Umbanda.
This excerpt summarizes the business office of the various regional or root traditions every bit they inform each other in Umbanda cosmology. Specifically, I have chosen a passage exemplifying Umbanda interpretation and assimilation of novel spiritual and religious knowledge through the mass media. Malungo, Decodificap30 da Umbanda was written by an Umbanda practitioner, Dilson Bento, and was published in 1979.
Umbanda, in Brazil, designates a complex of beliefs too rituals of African roots, fruit of the interaction between Black, Amerindian, and European cultures. Umbanda is a religious motion which is currently inwards a stage of formation and expansion with a greater following inwards urban areas. As a social phenomena
[Umbanda] extends itself throughout the Brazilian territory, penetrating the various social classes, making followers alongside both the rich and the poor.
The novel converts of European descent who interacted with Umbanda accepted its approaches to "the mysteries" too attempted to interpret and understand the concepts according to French spiritism [Kardecism]. These individuals drew spiritual concepts from the most varied of esoteric traditions in monastic enjoin to establish a code for Umbanda. The African cults assimilated this language as long as it didn't alter the African cosmogony or anything related to possession. In this manner Umbanda gained a body of doctrine, more or less defined but extremely eclectic, based both on African traditions and other traditional "schools." . . . Not all teachings of diverse nature were encountered and incorporated in
the way just mentioned. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 component of our information came to us inwards a fragmented and chaotic state through the mass media system. However, an elaboration and comprehension of this information was conducted by mediums exterior of their "ego" state, that is, in a province of possession or trance. It tin give the axe be said that this
information was processed through the unconscious by "traditional wisdom!'
By traditional wisdom nosotros hateful the elaboration of information yesteryear psychic means. Such wisdom is highly regenerative when applied to knowledge which has been fragmented too disassociated by mass-media. The collective retention organizes this data (at the bird of the unconscious) inwards such a way as to ever have got available a central torso of experiences. This key corpus is, inwards Umbanda, the construction of values of Black culture inwards Brazil presents a clear description of the assimilation of spirit beliefs and practices into Umbanda. The interaction alongside diverse traditions created a demand for a framework which could comprise and organize African, Amerindian, and European conceptions of the spirit realm. This framework was based on the authority of individual mediums who decided how new knowledge would be treated: After consideration yesteryear the spirits, new ideas mightiness be accepted as received, rejected, or modified. Before this process can be treated in more detail, it is important to examine an individual's motivation for investigating or appropriating the beliefs and practices of another
tradition.
The mutual chemical element alongside the traditions which contributed to the formation of Umbanda, and which facilitated their blending, was the use of hypnomantic knowledge (Obeyesekere 1981:169).The
assimilation into Umbanda of the various approaches to hypnomantic knowledge was possible because "the idiom or context of possession was comprehensible insofar as it was crouched [sic] in terms of a larger shared culture" (Obeyesekere 1981:169). The contributing traditions-Amerindian, African (Bantu too Yoruba), and French Kardecist--emerged from contexts which allowed for interaction with
a spirit realm. In Umbanda, every bit in these source traditions, the interaction between people too spirits provides information and empowerment for individuals and groups. Moreover, the spirit traditions which inform Umbanda are opened upwards belief systems allowing and even encouraging the continual search for knowledge too thus for new, possibly to a greater extent than effective, power.
Blessed H2O Part II/Festa de YemanjáPower in this context must be understood in light of the underlying belief in the Afro-Brazilian complex that events and occurences inwards the life of an private are impacted yesteryear the spirit realm.Knowledge of means or techniques to manipulate the spirit realm is then, inwards a existent sense, the powerfulness to control one's ain life. Attending to the search for power and power sources adds significantly to an agreement of Umbanda. In each of the groups mentioned above, consulting religious specialists too following their advice, performing rituals, using herbal medicines, etc. allows individuals to secure power. Some individuals are considered especially powerful because of their success in making contact with power
sources through lineage, spirit beings, magical paraphernalia, or ritual practice. The search for powerfulness is ongoing: If one source or technique becomes ineffectual, it is necessary to search for a more effective
means of exerting control over events in an individual's life. The growing popularity of Umbanda inwards urban Brazil is not surprising. Living in a complex, urban world produces conflicts which can be ritually addressed through the manipulation of knowledge and power. Thus, knowledge becomes a desirable commodity too is appropriated as the occasion arises.
This pragmatic approach to acquiring new knowledge exists in both the regional traditions and in the to a greater extent than widespread practice of Umbanda. The adoption of new knowledge is determined by the
pragmatic attempt out of applying the knowledge. The results of this test determine whether the new knowledge is appropriated. The process through which novel knowledge is received too assimilated has become formalized inside the Umbanda movement. This process of assimilation is not a important departure from the way in which the regional Afro-Brazilian traditions negotiate novel knowledge. If an
outside alternative approach to a given occupation proves effective, it is generally assimilated into the ritual or magical repertoire of the individual or grouping who discovered it.
Umbanda has preserved this pragmatic mental attitude but has formalized the process. New knowledge is often submitted for comment to a medium who, inwards a trance state, interprets too judges it. Since almost
all Umbanda members receive spirits--experience trance at that spot is a broad base of operations for interpretation. Every medium has a special relationship to the belief structure, a sense of involvement too direct participation.
Moreover, this process of consulting the spirits concerning new knowledge has allowed the incorporation of to a greater extent than esoteric knowledge, which cannot be tested pragmatically. The way this knowledge is ordered derives from Kardecist influences inwards which a spiritual hierarchy exists. Umbanda is divided into seven lines which group spiritual beings according to geo-cultural criteria. Each of the 7 lines is divided into legions or phalanxes. Legions be for a variety of African deities, Catholic saints, too Amerindian spirits, every bit good every bit a legion for each of the next groups: Egyptians, Aztecs, Incas, Hindus, too the Orient (see Bastide 1987: 323-24). Thus it is possible for ideas from Hinduism or Buddhism, for example, to be understood by and incorporated into Umbanda. In the regional Afro-Brazilian structures which lack a defined scheme for ordering new esoteric knowledge, it would be much more difficult to assimilate such non-pragmatic religious elements.
Historically, the Afro-Brazilian complex, including Umbanda, has been characterized by its position as a marginal culture, while the dominant civilization has been defined by Roman Catholicism and Comtean political philosophy (Order and progress)'. This marginalization has been shaped by economic, political, and cultural factors. Recently, this seat has go largely cultural, rather than !XI Folklore Fonun 23:1/2 (1990) Michael A. Nicklas economic or political. Raymond Williams addresses the issue of
marginalization with a more precise vocabulary: "We have to think about the sources of that which is not corporate, of those practices, experiences, meanings, too values which are not part of the effective
dominant culture. There is clearly something that nosotros can call alternative to the effective dominant civilization too at that spot is something nosotros tin give the axe telephone telephone oppositional inwards the true sense. The bird of existence of these alternative too oppositional forms is itself a matter of constant historical variation in real circumstances."(Williams 1980:40) When situated against the dominant culture of Catholicism, Umbanda can be seen every bit an example of such an alternative too oppositional form.
During the era of slavery inwards Brazil (1606-1888), the practice of traditional religious rituals or ceremonies yesteryear slaves was banned because it provided organizational structures which could be used against the
slave owner. Afro-Brazilian religious groups were, therefore, viewed as oppositional yesteryear both secular too religious powers inside the dominant culture; however, even in this climate, Afro-Brazilian faith and
culture persisted. With the emancipation of the slaves in 1888, Afro-Brazilian groups were able to begin the long struggle towards attaining legitimacy. This process was part of a long battle for civil rights and for racial too social equality inwards Brazil. During this fourth dimension Afro-Brazilian communities gradually came to be seen every bit alternative rather than oppositional yesteryear the secular state; however, the other factor of the dominant culture, the Roman Catholic Church, has continued to view the regional Afro-Brazilian groups, as well as Umbanda, in clearly oppositional terms. In contrast to Umbanda, Roman Catholicism has a radically different agreement of knowledge too power. Sources of powerfulness and means of controlling such power are codified and closed.
Afro-Brazilian Umbanda syncretic religion
In Roman Catholicism there is only 1 legitimate, acceptable powerfulness source-the Holy Trinity, all knowledge of whom was revealed in the past. It is believed that an private cannot possess powerfulness originating exterior of the framework of institutional relationships. If anything, the existence of some other way of knowledge or powerfulness only strengthens the Catholic system yesteryear reinforcing notions of evil. Knowledge of alternative power sources is seen every bit contamination too so a threat to institutional power. Instead of deriving vitality from new knowledge, this closed system affirms and strengthens itself through the expulsion of foreign knowledge.
From this historical perspective it is at nowadays possible to examine how one factor of the dominant culture, the Catholic Church-because of a different mythological conception-has attempted to influence the
government in restraining the growth of Umbanda. Until the latter part of the 1960s, the Catholic influence was so prevalent in the dominant civilization that the Afro-Brazilian groups, including Umbanda,
were thought not to correspond a religion. Because Catholic mythology revolved around a unified scheme of knowledge too power, too because Afro-Brazilian traditions held quite disparate beliefs, they were
classified every bit cults too forced to register with province too local authorities through police departments. Section 7, article 141 of the Brazilian constitution guarantees liberty of conscience and religious belief to
all, but with a limiting clause: "There volition exist liberty of religious practice except for those groups which behave inwards a manner contrary to public order or good custom" (Kloppenburg 1961:58). The
legislative assembly of the province of Pernambuco used this clause to require certified psychiatric exams every bit a prerequisite for leadership in an Afro-Brazilian group, too it was not until Jan 15, 1976, that
the governor of Bahia revoked a rule requiring the CandomblC terreiros of Salvador to live registered at the law subdivision for games and customs. (O'Gorman 1977:27) An interesting parallel tin give the axe live seen here with the birth of state control of mechanisms of discipline in
Europe:
In England, it was private religious groups that carried out, for a long time, the functions
of social discipline (Radzinovitz: 203-214); in France, although a component of this role
remained in the hands of the parish guilds or charity associations, some other - and no
doubt the most important part - was real soon taken over by the law apparatus.
(Foucault 1972213)
During the colonial menses in Brazil, the Catholic Church easily marginalized other religious belief systems. However, with the transition to a secular province mandated yesteryear the separation of church building and state inwards the Constitution of 1891, it has become increasingly difficult to repress other religious beliefs. The Roman Catholic Church has exploited the vagueness of the constitutional clause which limits the freedom of religious practice. It has defendant the Afro-Brazilian groups of illegally practicing medicine, of committing ritual crimes, of causing psychological harm to members, of promoting immoral conduct, and of financial swindling. In these cases, the Church is powerless to do anything except pressure level the authorities to take a narrow Definition of "public order" too "good custom" too to intervene accordingly.
Afro-Brazilian boy inwards Umbanda worshiping prostration
In some instances, the Church has acted to a greater extent than straight and has taken the Afro-Brazilian groups to court. One such instance concerns "intellectual property" and religious knowledge. The following are
excerpts from the ruling in the Roman Catholic Church v. Umbanda Federation of the state of Scio Paulo (1946), concerning the use of Catholic images in an Umbanda procession. Here, Section 7 Article 141 is invoked: The borrowing of religious imagery with intent to deceive is considered injurious to the rights of other groups too an improper appropriation of knowledge. Section 1: In response to a protestation entered by D. Idilio Jose Soares, Bishop of the Diocese of Santos, against the acts committed by the Federado Umbandista do Estado de S5o Paulo, of the use inwards their public ritual of images of Catholic origin and which are distinctly associated with the Catholic faith by religious
association. The intent, undoubtedly, is to mystify or blur, causing the impression that the procession is being organized by the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church. The terreiros of SHo Miguel Arcanjo and Nossa Senhora da Aparecida, shall no longer live known yesteryear those names too the respective saints shall live removed in light of the fact that the names of the saints too the cult of their images are exclusive to the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church too so non available for use yesteryear the Umbandistas.(Kloppenburg 11:246)
Umbanda baptism
This court case tin give the axe be seen every bit an example of the dominant culture using the judiciary means to forestall the co-opting of knowledge and the assimilation of beliefs. The Catholic reasoning regarding the use of Catholic saints in Afro-Brazilian ritual betrays an intense fearfulness of having "Catholic" knowledge too access to powerfulness used in an alternative way. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 Catholic bishop's remarks virtually how Umbanda groups employ Catholic imagery are revealing? The diabolic idea which has modified overnight the development of "Spiritism or Umbanda" was born of an ambition to become greater than the Catholic Church. A
catholic would never go into a terreiro de Umbanda to enquire for the assist of Ogum, nor give money to a terreiro which supported Oxossi. A catholic however does believe inwards SHo Jorge or would give coin to an organisation whose patron saint was SHo Sebastiao. The ingenious device used to subvert the catholics has been to take payoff of the strong association Brazilians have got with the various saints. The filling of their terreiros with the images of the saints spell at the same fourth dimension professing a doctrine of spiritism has been effective to the extent that today sixty per cent of practicing catholics also attend terreiros on a regular basis. (Kloppenburg 11:250)
This commentary represents a notable denial of the historical use of Catholic imagery in Brazil and a misunderstanding of the syncretic nature of Umbanda. The dualistic use of images was one of the
earliest forms of interaction betwixt Catholic too Afro-Brazilian ritual and is widely practiced throughout Brazil today. In fact, there is a long-standing similarity betwixt what is considered popular
Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian religion. The Catholicism which was brought to Brazil by the Portuguese colonists start in 1530 was a folk Catholicism which in many ways only vaguely resembled the
institutional Roman Catholic stance. The Iberian peninsula had developed as a remote, outlying part of the Roman Empire; it had not only go Christianized at a belatedly date, but also had struggled to
preserve the polytheistic base of operations of the previous "pagan" faith.
The historical interaction of beliefs too approaches to knowledge and power can be related to Raymond Williams's notion of residual cultural traits inside the dominant culture:
The distinction betwixt residual and emergent tin give the axe be applied to both alternative
and oppositional cultures. By "residual" I mean that some experiences, meanings,
and values, which cannot live verified or cannot be expressed inwards terms of the
dominant culture, are nevertheless lived and practiced on the basis of the
residue-cultural as good as social-of some previous social formation. (Williams
1980:40) Raymond Williams's notion of residual culture exemplifies the historical relationship between official Catholicism and popular Catholicism, every bit good as Afro-Brazilian traditions, and their differential
approaches to the acquisition of knowledge and power
Afro-Brazilian missy devotee of Umbanda religion
A alter inwards this human relationship was acknowledged when the Vatican I1 pronouncement of 1965 recognized the undeniable interaction between Catholicism too local religious traditions (Levine 1986:8-10).
The Latin American Bishops Synod issued a similar contestation at the Second General Conference of Latin American Bishops at Medellin, 1968:
Religious expressions may be deformed and to some extent confused with an
ancestral heritage inwards which tradition plays an almost tyrannical role. They are easily
influenced by magic too superstitious practica . . . too a surely fearfulness of the divine
which necessitates more visible concrete expression . . . want for security,
contingency, importance, too simultaneously the urge to adore and give cheers the
Supreme Being. These religious expressions may be the stammerings of an
authentic religious sense expressed by means of the cultural elements at their
disposal. Faith always reaches man clothed in a cultural language. (O'Gorman
1977:lOO) By accepting the continuing impact of traditional religious beliefs on Catholic practice, the bishops essentially recognized that a residual culture exists. "A residual civilization is usually at some distance from the effective dominant civilization but one has to recognize that, in real cultural activities, it may acquire incorporated into it" (Williams 1980:41).
In the Brazilian context discussed here, the issue of pragmatism in relation to novel spiritual knowledge is a legacy of popular Catholicism as good as the Afro-Brazilian and Amerindian belief systems. The fetishization of power in the pop Catholicism of Brazil evidences this legacy of pragmatism. The most common recognition of the powerfulness of the spirit realm and of spirit-directed liberate energy has been the widespread utilization of amulets. The amulets, worn near a pulse point (on the wrist or around the neck) attract too contain any harmful energy which might be focused by a witch or warlock upon a victim.
These amulets from pop Catholicism thus fetishized powerfulness against a perceived evil spirit realm. Another example of pragmatic activeness in relationship to power appears in the travelogue of an American
visiting Brazil in 1850:
My friend the vicar had a lad long troubled with a bruised leg The sore resisted all his attempts to heal it. As a finally resource, a colored "wise woman" was consulted. She raised a smoke of dried herbs, muttered over the wound, made motions every bit if stitching its lips up, pose on a cataplasm of herbs, sent him domicile and in a calendar week he was well. Another immature slave had a diseased foot; aught seemed to make it good; and at length his owner gave him go out to see a dark sorceress, who talked to it, made signs over it, rubbed it with oil, covered it with plaster, and in a few days he was audio too. (Ewbank 1856:247)
This example illustrates the Catholic vicar's willingness to work pragmatically and to seek a solution to his problem from an alternative source, thus acknowledging a source of power outside the Catholic Church. When accepted way of treating the illness proved futile, the vicar sent for a "wise woman." This pragmatic relationship to power is a residual element of both Iberian and Afro-Brazilian
culture; in this instance, it was used by a fellow member of the dominant culture.
In contrast to this utilization of power, the interaction with the spirit realm through possession or trance has non been incorporated into the dominant culture. Popular Catholicism, for the most part, rejected
interaction with the spirit realm, although it recognized its existence and took great measures to prevent its influences. Thus, spirit possession represents a non-incorporated residual element. Historical
factors, such as the advent of volume media in Brazil, are working to allow the integration of these residual elements, whether incorporated or non-incorporated, into a new, revitalized culture. The marginal cultures in Brazil share the residual element of pragmatic activeness with the dominant culture. The vicar, for example, used a power source which could never be incorporated into the Catholic structure of knowledge. This pragmatic use of power also underlies the African and Amerindian belief structures in Brazil. Because they are based on interaction with spirits, these marginal cultures allow for the ongoing incorporation of new sources of power in their knowledge structures. Only European Catholicism lacks a system for handling knowledge derived from the spirit world.
Child participates inwards Yemanjá Festival dressed inwards typical bahian apparel with Oshun colors.
The introduction of Kardecism into Brazil in the mid-nineteenth century provided a missing component which led to the birth of Umbanda. Kardecism, the complex of beliefs dealing with mediumship and "spiritist" interpretations of the Bible, originated in nineteenth- century France and rapidly gained popularity among the upper socioeconomic levels inwards Brazil. Allan Kardec, who wrote The Christian
Scriptures According to Spiritism, believed inwards consulting the spirits of the dead to gain advice relating to scriptural interpretation and to diagnose spiritual illness. Kardec claimed that Espiritismo "counts every bit its
own those adherents belonging to all varieties of religious belief and who still practise their other faith. Catholics, Protestants, Jews, Muslims too fifty-fifty Buddhists. All of them can potentially be spiritists"
(Kloppenburg 1961:70). Kardecism was opened upwards to other religions because it focused on the spirits of the dead. Moreover, it was attractive to people of many religious backgrounds, since anyone might be
interested inwards contacting dead relatives or other spirits. Although Kardecism was introduced into Brazil in the late 1860s, it remained distinct from the other spiritual traditions which dealt with
hypnomantic knowledge until roughly 1908. In that year, a man child inwards Rio de Janeiro became possessed by an Amerindian spirit spell consulting a Kardecist medium.
According to legend, the immature man, Zelio de Moraes, was taken to the Spiritist Federation when doctors failed to diagnose a strange illness which was plaguing him. During the session, Zelio went into trance and communicated a message questioning the refusal of the spiritists to accept messages from African and Amerindian spirits. After the spiritists nowadays failed to indoctrinate the spirit, it spoke of establishing a new religion in which African, Amerindian, and European spirits would be given equal recognition. (Brown 1986:40) Although Kardecism inwards Brazil provided a European approach to understanding the spirit realm, it was closed to other spirit belief systems. Additionally, the spirits inwards European Kardecism were considered yesteryear many Brazilians to live overly concerned with complicated doctrinal matters. The eventual incorporation of African and Amerindian spirits into early on Umbanda, however, allowed for a focus on healing and curing which had practical applications. Thus, as Kardecism became incorporated into the emerging Umbanda tradition, it underwent a important alter which can be attributed to the
residual influence of African, Amerindian, too European civilization still present in Brazil.
Mass civilization inwards Brazil tin give the axe live characterized yesteryear the credence and embracing of this emerging culture. It is estimated that at that spot are roughly 300,000 Afro-Brazilian groups inwards Brazil. Some of Brazil's most famous writers (Jorge Amado) too singers (Caetano Veloso are "sons of saint," that is, initiates in the faith (Bramly 1977:4). Similarly, politicians are constantly trying to associate themselves with the Afro- Brazilian complex as they vie for popular support. The widespread presence of this emerging culture will soon bring into question the validity of the natural equation of the Roman Catholic Church with the dominant culture. As Umbanda continues to grow, the "dominant" culture, lacking an open framework for integrating new knowledge, may before long discovery itself both marginal and residual. An important aspect of this emerging Afro-Brazilian civilization will be the success of Umbanda exterior of the Rio de Janeiro-Sao Paulo
corridor where it was born. Umbanda, with its potential to embrace and monastic enjoin new religious practice and doctrine is spreading rapidly throughout Brazil. This is in component due to the Umbanda-dominated
"spiritist press," which has penetrated into all regions of the country. Umbanda, which traditionally has been an oral culture, is developing an eclectic yet good defined body of written doctrine. The implications of this developing torso of written literature for the Afro- Brazilian complex as a whole, too the internal dynamics of Umbanda in particular, remain to live seen.
Afro-Brazilian Umbanda worshipper inwards spiritual trance
Notes For the purposes of this paper, domhmf culnue refers to the province apparatus and
those empowered yesteryear it too to the institutional Roman Catholic Church. When dominunt
culnue is employed without a specific reference to either of the private components,
the reference tin give the axe be understood as the combined influence of the same.
For an excellent framing of regional/historical impact on syncretism inwards Brazil, see
Roger Bastide [1978, ref. cited].
On the other hand, an opened upwards belief system can make anxiety every bit good as certainty.
A terreiro is the call given the locale where Umbanda meetings occur; this location
may vary inwards size from a unmarried room to a multi-room complex.
"Order too Progress" is a Comtean motto, which appears on the Brazilian flag. Auguste
Comte (1798-1857) was a French social thinker who developed the philosophical notion
of positivism, a theory whcih became highly influential inwards Brazil.
Ogun too Oxosi are deities inwards the vast pantheon of the Afro-Brazilian traditions; they
also be among the Yomba. They are often associated with the saints listed here.
' Son of saint is term designating a man who has been initiated in Umbanda. Women
initiates are called missy of saint.
References Cited
Bastide, Roger. 1978. The Afrcan Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the
Interpeneaation of Civilizotwns. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Bento, Dilson. 1979. Malungo, Decodjica rio da Umbondo. Sio Paulo: Imprensa Eco.
Brown, Diana. 1986. Umbanda: Religion and Politics in Urban Brazil. Ann Arbor:
University Microfilms International Research Press
Ewbank, Thomas. 1856. Sketches of Life inwards Brauau& A Journal of a Vuil to the Land of the
Cocoa too Palm. New York: Harper & Brothers.
Foucault, Michel. 1972. Discipline too Punish. New York: Pantheon.
Kloppenburg, Boaventura. 1961. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 Umbandn no Brm'& On'entacrio para Catolicos. V o m
em Defeso da Fd. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Vozes.
k i n e , Daniel H. 1986. Religion, the Poor, too Politics in Latin America Today. In
Religion too Political Conflict inwards Latin America Chapel Hill: University of Chapel
Hill Press.
Myscofski, Carole. 1988. Pomcguese Messianism inwards Brazil. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
O'Gorman, Frances. 1977. Aluondo. Rio de Janeiro: Franciscn Alves Editora.
Obeyesekere, Gananath. 1981. Medusa's Hair. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Williams, Raymond. 1980. Bases and Superstructure in Marx's Cultural Theoty. In
Problems inwards Materialism too Culture. London: Verso
Umbanda devotees
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Afro-Brazilian Umbanda follower
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