Info For You Lot Wodaabe (Mbororo) People: The Nomadic Fulani Sub-Tribe That Cultivate Beauty As Well As Their Unique Gerewol Festival
The Wodaabe also known equally Bororo are nomadic cattle-herders too traders that forms a subset of the larger Fulani (Fulbe) ethnolinguistic grouping inwards the Sahel, with migrations stretching from southern Niger, through northern Nigeria, northeastern Cameroon, too the western part of the Central African Republic. Nowadays Wodaabe or Mbororo are also found inwards countries inwards East Africa, including Kenya, Republic of Uganda too Ethiopia.
Wodaabe adult man from Republic of Mali at Gerewol Festival beauty Contest for men
The Wodaabe/Mbororo–Fulani, who are the largest nomadic grouping inwards the world, play a crucial economical role equally seen inwards the next remark past times Weeks (1978: 133), “Their herds of cattle too sheep are the major source of meat for hundreds of villagers, towns too cities from Wadai, beyond the shore of lake Republic of Chad to the Atlantic coast of Senegal.”
They are known for their beauty (both men too women), elaborate attire too rich cultural ceremonies. Obsessively vain, exotic, strange, too foreign–these are words oft used past times Europeans too Americans
to pull the Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani. In her 2001 book, Nomads Who Cultivate Beauty, Mette Bovin confronts these stereotypes. She notes that although many may believe that the tall sparse Wodaabe men–who pigment their faces yellow, widen their eyes, too quiver their dark painted lips during annual trip the low-cal fantastic performances–resemble “homosexuals or transvestites,” Wodaabe men are, inwards fact, dressing “for the sake of immature girls” (p. 41). The Wodaabe, especially men, “use enormous amounts of time, release energy too coin to go pretty, handsome, beautiful, ’exotic,’ attractive, elegant, refined, too symmetrical inwards pitiable surroundings” (p. 9).
Gerewol festival of Wodaabe people
The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold a wonderful Gerewol festival, an annual courtship ritual competition. Young men dressed inwards elaborate ornamentation too made upwards inwards traditional human face icon get together inwards lines to trip the low-cal fantastic too sing, vying for the attentions of marriageable immature women. In outlining the the yaake dance, Bovin explained that manlike someone dancers strive to copy the grace too elegance associated with the long-legged white cattle egret, attempting to harness the might of the bird. Bovin writes most Wodaabe women that they appear to play a peripheral role.
Yaake trip the low-cal fantastic of Wodaabe peopler
For example, Bovin writes that during yaake performances, women “stand inwards a crowd at a distance, they await shy, but they are inwards fact active too of import spectators. Women guess too remove with the men!” Bovin continues to province that women “choose non the ”Miss Wodaabe“ but the ”Mr. Wodaabe“ of the year!” (p. 47). In fact, the “names of manlike someone beauty competitor winners are remembered for several generations” (p. 68).
Wodaabe people from Central African Republic
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani are used inwards the world of images through the commercialization of products. Anita Roddick, the founder of the multinational cosmetic fellowship the Body Shop, has associated images of the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani with her beauty products (see Zinn 1991). Probably, the Body Shop’s association with the WoDaaBe is intended to underline the company’s association with nature, which the company’s identity is based on. In a query trip for the idiot box serial Millennium, Roddick spent 2 weeks with the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani (Roddick 1991:182). She recounts that: “I remove hold also learned the pure joy that is to live obtained frommixing with elementary people whose lives are untainted past times what nosotros remove hold laughably described equally ‘progress’” (Roddick 1991:181).
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold a high grade of mobility, moving on average every 3 days, making utilization of the scattered distributed resources too plumbing fixtures their mode of production into the pulsating environs of their arid habitat (see Johnson 1993: 27; Glantz 1987: 51). Material civilisation is good adapted to this mobility; belongings few too thus easily transported to a novel location. During the rainy season, the different patrilocal lineage groups remain unopen together making social activities to a greater extent than intense. During the dry out season, however, camps are spread out over a large area, making social interaction minimal due to the long distance betwixt the different camps. A council of men (suura) discusses too decides movements inside the lineage group, fifty-fifty though each caput of the household, e'er a male, is costless to displace when too where he wants. This high migratory nature of Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani too its attendant devastation of lands too holding of the areas (countries) they arrive at through is i of the major inter-ethnic conflicts inwards Sub-Saharan Africa.
Wodaabe people from Niger
In the Fula language, woɗa agency "taboo", too Woɗaaɓe agency "people of the taboo". "Wodaabe" is an Anglicisation of Woɗaaɓe. This is sometimes translated equally "those who abide by taboos", a reference to the Wodaabe isolation from broader Fulbe culture, too their contestation that they retain "older" traditions than their Fulbe neighbors. In contrast, other Fulbe equally good equally other ethnic groups sometimes refer to the Wodaabe equally "Bororo" (singular: Mbororo), a sometimes pejorative name, translated into English linguistic communication equally "Cattle Fulani", too pregnant "those who dwell inwards cattle camps". By the 17th century, the Fula people across West Africa were with the start ethnic groups to covert Islam, were often leaders of those forces which spread Islam, too remove hold been traditionally proud of the urban, literate, too pious life with which this has been related. Both Wodaabe/Mbororo too other Fulbe regard inwards the Wodaabe the echoes of an before pastoralist way of life, of which the Wodaabe are proud too of which urban Fulbe are sometimes critical
The Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani tin live divided into 3 major ethnic groups identified past times the color of their cattle, style of ornamentation of their bowls, too migratory movements. These are the ‘Aku-en’, Bodaabe too the ‘Jafun-en’.
WoDaaBe/mboror-Fulani pastoral nomads inwards Niger alive inwards mobile cattle-camps, their ethnic identity too economical subsistence based on cattle herding. WoDaaBe often refer to themselves equally the birds of the bush (solli ladde) or equally the people of the bush (taguu ladde), thus associating their ethnic identity strongly with their natural environment, recognizing the economical too symbolic association of humans too environment. In other contexts, however, WoDaaBe characterize themselves equally separate from their physical environment, posing the dwelling theatre (wuro) too bush (ladde) equally structural oppositions. Cows are described equally domesticated too “wild,” indicating their role inwards mediating betwixt nature too people - betwixt a social too non-socialized space.
In Republic of Cameroon Wodaabe/Mbororo’en (singular: Mbororo) are found all over the national territory nether 4 Lamidats (the paramount traditional institution) nether whom are found community leaders called Ardos. The 4 Lamidats are found inwards Fuigil inwards the North Province, Lompta inwards the Adamaoua Province, Sabga inwards the North West Province too Didango inwards the West Province.
The Mbororo inwards Central African Republic tin also live found inwards the prefectures of Ouaka inwards part 4 inwards the centre-east; M’bomou inwards part half-dozen inwards the south; Nana-Mambéré inwards part 3 inwards the north-west too Ombella-Mpoko inwards part 1 inwards the south-west. The 2003 census gave an Mbororo population of 39,299, or 1% of the population. There is a higher proportion of Mbororo inwards rural areas, where they business concern human relationship for 1.4% of the population, than inwards urban areas where they stand upwards for only 0.2%.
Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani Migratory nature too surface area of attachment
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold several kinds of migrations, which tin live divided into brusque movements aiming at finding nourishment for animals, too a transhumance motion betwixt rainy flavor too dry out flavor pasture. In spite of a high grade of mobility, WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani tend to utilization the same full general areas yr after year.
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold an extensive vocabulary referring to migration movements, too different groups remove hold to some extent different usage (Loftsdóttir 2000). The different movements tin live classified according to the length of motion they refer to too the flavor which migration takes place, inwards improver to referring to diverse special distances such equally the length from well, the closeness to the previous line of piece of work spot (see also Loftsdóttir 1997).
Mbororo girl
In addition, WoDaaBe seat a historical migration called perol. The term refers to a migration out of the ordinary, often a temporarily exploitation of novel too unusual spaces, thus non only taking the grouping from its surface area of attachment but to an alien territory. Perol is thus an adaptive strategy used inwards hard ecological too political situations. The motion tin live permanent, fifty-fifty though in all probability inwards most cases people want to homecoming to their gari.
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani refer to the dry out flavor pasture or the surface area exactly about the most oft used wells equally an “area of attachment” past times the concepts gari or ngenndi. The concept gari, refers to an surface area that has either a town or a water-hole place, because “that is the seat where people sit down down.” Thus, the thought too utilization of gari involves coexistence of human beings with an environment. Even though the rainy flavor pasture is often inwards the same surface area yr after year, the rainy flavor pasture is usually non referred to equally gari.
Pastoral societies to a greater extent than often than non subsist on millet consumption, which provides higher caloric values. In monastic say for a consummate dependency on milk to live possible the creature human ratio must live extremely high (Gefu 1992: 20). The association of an “area of attachment” too settlement underlines the importance of millet for pastoral societies, too thus the affiliation with agricultural societies, which constitute a component subdivision of WoDaaBe social construction too history (See Dupire 1972: 12). The bush inwards the context of their surface area of attachment is thus a highly socialized space, involving the presence too human relationship of people of different ethnicities having of import trading relationships. In this context, the town10 is also clearly non an opposition to the bush (ladde) inwards which they live, but a component subdivision of it.
It should live underlined that gari does non refer to a populated area. Images awakened when discussing ladde (and thus gari) devastation shows this clearly, phrasing it equally ladde wati, translated literally equally the “bush has died.” Ladde wati is described equally an surface area that wild fauna remove hold left, where trees remove hold been cutting down, fields are extensive too population high. As explained to me: “That is no longer a bush.”
WoDaaBe remove hold some other concept, ladde hurram, which refers to a to a greater extent than “wild” bush. This concept is used regarding infinite lacking human settlement, i.e., people, waterholes, too towns are absent. When people explained this concept to me, they emphasized that non only does it refer to a infinite without human beings but is occupied past times thieves too evil spirits ginni (sing. ginnol), making it inherently dangerous. The work of thieves too spirits also exists inwards ladde but becomes to a greater extent than shrewd inwards ladde hurram, because the presence of people too the intimate cognition people remove hold of ladde makes the ladde to a greater extent than secure. When these concepts, si'ire (town), ladde (bush), ladde hurram (“wild” bush) are placed inwards connection with each other, it tin live suggested that they existing on a scale moving from a dense human population to the lack of it.
Mbororo adult man from Mboki, Cameroon
Wodaabe-Mbororo-Fulani Settlement
The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani dwelling theatre wuro (pl. gure) is composed past times several smaller units called cuudi (sing. suudu).The concept wuro goes beyond referring simply to a "house," but describes a sociographic unit, headed past times a man, which usually is tied together past times kinship (Riesman 1977: 31). The suudu is composed past times a bed (leso) too tabular array (saga) which are marked from their surroundings past times a one-half circle of branches placed on the earth. Each suudu belongs to i married adult woman of the household too it is almost alone a woman's space. She spends most of her fourth dimension inwards or exactly about it, all her belongings are usually there, too she invites her friends too theatre unit of measurement into this infinite (see also Sa'ad 1991: 212; Bovin 2001: 62-64). The wuro, however, is seen equally belonging to the husband; he takes decisions where to brand it, how often too with whom. The mobile characteristics of the wuro agency that it is non a construction rooted inwards a seat but characterized past times its objects, inwards improver to referring to highly regulated spaces.
Mbororo adult woman from due south Sudan
These diverse organisation aspects of the wuro, such equally who makes it, where, with whom too when, equally good equally its spatial organizations, are understood non only inwards gendered damage but also to some extent inwards ethnic terms. Even though the term wuro is used over the homes of other ethnicities equally well, its chief organizational characteristics are linked with WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani social too political organizations. The wuro (and the suudu) constitute points of reference inwards relation to the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani lineage systems too are often conceptualized equally the smallest units of the lineage construction (see also Bonfiglioli 1988). The mobility, crucial to the shape too existence of the wuro, is also seen, equally previously discussed, equally an integrated component subdivision of WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani ethnicity.
In a similar fashion to the surface area of attachment, the wuro is conceptualized equally a infinite of human coexistence, of solidarity too safety. The farther away i is from the dwelling theatre or from a human settlement inwards general, the greater the danger may live waiting inwards the bush. These dangers are partly derived from the physical characteristics of the bush, where people tin acquire lost too perish of thirst but also dangers of existence attacked past times thieves, ginnol, or inwards the past, wild animals. WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani survival strategy depends on co-operation too closeness to other human beings, rather than the exclusion of them. The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani cattle-loans demonstrate that WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani relationships are strategies for a safer survival. Cattle-loans (habana’i) are a social establishment with the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani which redistributes wealth. Individuals tin invest inwards social relationships past times lending out their cattle. These strategies of increasing security inwards an unpredictable environs are informed too understood with reference to WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani ethnicity, because, equally it is explained, "someone who does non want to engage inwards cattle loans is non a WoDaaBe."
Individuals are also rubber equally long equally they remain inside the human settlement, i.e. the home, too the dwelling theatre is safer when non also far from other camps. The army camp is, equally this adult man stated, non only a seat of security for human beings but also for the domesticated animals. The cows graze at nighttime inwards a grouping (sogal), but smaller animals depend on the security of the theatre to avoid existence eaten past times wild animals. In the dry out flavor when the camps are far from each other, the camps are to a greater extent than vulnerable. The rainy flavor is the fourth dimension of prosperity too security which is to some extent due to the brusque distance of the houses from each other. In the dry out season, the bush is considered to live unsafe (kalledum) because the other camps are far away too crimes occur frequently, partly because people are to a greater extent than vulnerable due to their isolation, but also because of an increased shortage of food. People feared, for example, to a greater extent than for my security during the dry out flavor inwards the bush than during the rainy season.
WoDaaBe conceptualize their wuro equally a rubber surface area that is, on some level, a component subdivision of the bush but also equally distinguished past times the bush exactly about it. As stated past times Riesman, “the bush is at in i trial close too far” (Riesman 1977: 251).
Language
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani speak Fula linguistic communication which belongs to the Senegambian branch of the Niger–Congo linguistic communication family. It is spoken equally a start linguistic communication past times the Fulɓe (Fula or Fulani people) too related groups (such equally the Tukulor inwards the Senegal River Valley) from Senegambia too Republic of Guinea to Republic of Cameroon too Sudan. It is also spoken equally a instant linguistic communication past times people inwards the region.
History
Instead of focusing on the rich history of the Fulani, Westerners were preoccupied with myths of their pristine root exterior Africa. One theory was that the Fulani were a mixture of Jews too Arabs with a Sudanese tribe of Cushitic origin, who came to Africa inwards the early on days of Islam (see give-and-take inwards Meek 1925:95). Lieutenant Boyd Alexander argued that the Fulani are “interesting people of Eastern origin, who are believed to remove hold settled inwards Arab Republic of Egypt from farther East, too to remove hold been driven out of their adopted province during the Theban Dynasty, 2,500 years ago” (Alexander 1908:190). One good known theory regarding the root of the Fulani was M. Delfosse’s thesis that they were a grouping of Armaic-speaking Judaeo-Syrians who entered “Negro” Africa from Cyrenaica most 200 A.D. (see give-and-take inwards Greenberg 1949:190) too so became the white rulers of Republic of Ghana from the 4th to the 8th or 9th century (Meek 1925:95).
Wodaabe nomad girls returning from the good with H2O hanging inwards caprine animal peel bags nether their donkeys' bellies
To hold this innovation of the caucasoid root of the Fulani, it was often argued that the linguistic communication of the Fulani was Hamitic, an thought which was met with broad credence (Greenberg 1949:190). Delfosse states that Fulanis were the" fruits of the union betwixt Oukba too Bajjo Mango were 4 children, Deita, Woya, Roroba too Nasi. He claims that, they are the actual ancestors of the Fulani who started speaking Fulfude. Arnott (1970:8), agreeing with the higher upwards view, farther greenback that after some fourth dimension the ancestors separated too i of the grouping moved to Futa–Toro (Senegal Basin). This was farther confirmed past times Murdock (1959:415), who linked the Fulani to the Tukular tribe who silent inhabit the middle part of Senegal. This persuasion is supported past times Sa’ad (1977) inwards the next statement. “The earliest centre of the Fulani inwards the western Sudan was the part of Senegal Basin but today, they are found equally far equally Sudan too Ethiopia…”
In some other piece of work past times St. Croix (1945: 9), he narrates a legend which explains the root of the nomadic Fulani. The narration indicates that the nomadic Fulani are descendants of a babe who was left inwards the bush past times the woman bring upwards due to a quarrel betwixt she too her husband. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 spirit found the babe too promised him that, he would roam continuously inwards the bush but would live rewarded with a lot of wealth. The man child was advised to go to a river where inwards a line of cattle would emerge. He was counseled past times the spirit to Pb the line of emerging cattle too non to glance behind. The man child failed to obey the education too looked behind. He did so too the emerging cattle from of the river stopped when the most beautiful beast was emerging.
The WoDaaBe remove hold been referred to inwards to a greater extent than recent publications equally primitive fossils having survived through the twentieth century. One text describes them equally “unique people, believed to remove hold been with the start inhabitants of Africa, the descendants of the mysterious people of an ancient surface area who sculptured fantastic drawings into the rocks” (Chesi 1977:65). Another relatively recent text states that nomadic Fulani remove hold a striking similarity to stone paintings inwards the Tassili caves inwards People's Democratic Republic of Algeria dating from 4000–2000 B.C. (Beckwith
too van Offelen 1983:30).The text claims to live able to separate “negroid figures” inwards these ancient paintings (Beckwith too van Offelen 1983:30), thus in i trial again separating the nomadic Fulani from“blackness.”
Professor John Coleman DeGraft-Johnson, the celebrated African historian from Republic of Ghana averred that Fulanis were already inwards Futa too Senegal when the Jews that fled from Cyrenaica equally resultant of Romans persecution came to encounter them. He asserted that "There is mayhap no grouping of people inwards Western Sudan with to a greater extent than Jewish blood inwards them than the pastoral Fulani inwards Futa. who, by mixing with the people of the shores of Lake Chad, passed on their Jewish blood to the areas exactly about Kanem too Bornu several centuries later."
Palmer (1967) supports the aforementioned perspective too farther recounts that the hybrid too Arabs, who eventually penetrated into the Maghrib inwards North Africa most 650-750 A.D. mixed with some other grouping of people, the Duradae. According to Palmer, the Duradae are the source of the “Fulani proper”. Meek (1913) on the other hand, links the Fulani with proto-Egyptians too an ancient Libyan tribe. He arrived at this suggestion past times studying the physique of the Fulani. Furthermore, many writers remove hold traced too attributed the root of the Fulani to the Arabs equally inwards the instance of St. Croix (1945) too Mohammad (1976: 29-33). One of the legends narrated from the latter, explicate that the Fulani are descendants of i of the 5 offspring of Oukba- an Arab, too Bajjo Mango – a Sarakoule. He farther narrates that the Fulani were settled inwards Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya too Arab Republic of Egypt too they moved south-westwards to the Bend of Niger too to Futa too Senegal.
The Fulani did non remain or settle permanently along the Senegal River equally some of them moved eastward to other parts of Africa, equally indicated past times Mohammad (1959:226–227). The migration of the nomadic Fulani from Futa–Toro into Ferlo inwards the due south too Kaarto inwards the due east is confirmed past times Murdock (1959:417). The Fulani arrived inwards Masina through Sonika too Bambara inwards the 14th century, patch a vanguard of them infiltrated into Futa Jalon from Senegal. Further migration took them into Hausa ground exactly about Sokoto too inwards Bauchi inwards Northern Nigeria. Muhammad (1976: 153) explains that the eastward motion was due to the next reasons; the large ocean, which lies to the west; inwards the north, the Sahara desert is a hindrance too to the south, the thick forest, which breeds the tse-tse fly, made the eastward motion the best option.
Economy
The economic scheme of the Mbororo–Fulani inwards the early on 19th century was exceedingly simple. Cattle had petty economical significance too the disclose a adult man owned was an index of his wealth too importance. The women were responsible for milking too they carried the milk, with pats of butter floating inwards it, inwards large shallow gourds to local markets, where it was exchanged for nutrient grown past times cultivators.
Expenditure was on food, salt, payment for ‘gainakos ’(herdsmen) too ‘jangali’ (cattle tax), with occasional purchase of cloth, household goods too saddlery. Mbororo–Fulani sold cattle with the utmost reluctance; the disclose sold volition depend on the expenditures that cannot live met past times receipts from the sale of milk too butter past times the women. The greater parts of such expenditure were on annual cattle taxation paid to the local councils.
Commercial Trade
The handicraft piece of work of theWoDaaBe tin live seen equally a commercialization of identity related products because these products are marketed too sold equally traditional WoDaaBe items. This manufacturing of identity becomes clearer when i realizes that most of those doing handicraft piece of work today are often engaged inwards the selling of other identity related products than WoDaaBe jewelry, such equally traditional WoDaaBe clothing, Tuareg jewelry, too trip the low-cal fantastic performances, which remove hold been popularized inwards the full general media of the West.
WoDaaBe make several kinds of jewelry,mostly necklaces too bracelets. There are diverse models available for sale, too patch some people are imaginative too creative inwards finding novel ones others simply re-create what has already been done.
For many of the objects cowries are used, which were a currency inwards West Africa for many centuries. Ibn Batuta, for example, who visited the Mandingo Empire ofMelle, inwards 1352, mentions that at that fourth dimension cowries were used equally currency (Meek 1925:65). The production of jewelry is divided into a disclose of steps,many items existence made at same time, too is thus similar to an assembly line. The most mutual items of article of apparel sold are the woman’s skirt (wudere), immature woman’s shirt (henare surbadajo) too a stuff used bymenduring dances.This article of apparel has extensive piece of work inwards the same embroidery style, a style that is considered distinctly WoDaaBe. Recently, the styles of the embroidered article of apparel remove hold been expanded somewhat to adapt to what tourists are to a greater extent than probable to buy.These novel items include trousers, blouses, too shirts that are shaped similar T-shirts.
It is relatively mutual inwards Niamey that groups of WoDaaBe are hired to present dances, either past times evolution organizations or unusual cultural institutions.Groups of WoDaaBe remove hold gone abroad to present dances,most oft to France, Kingdom of Belgium or Holland.These trip the low-cal fantastic exhibitions are usually non good paid, but include the possibility of selling “real”WoDaaBe handicrafts or the Tuareg jewelry. Such dance-trips are simultaneously sales trips selling handicrafts too everyday items such equally clothing, swords, jewelry,hats,and trip the low-cal fantastic decoration
items. Silver tin convey swell profits if taken on such trips.
WoDaaBe tin live seen inwards the “tourist streets” of Niamey too fifty-fifty though non equally numerous equally Tuareg arts and crafts makers, they tin live no less aggressive inwards seeking clients. Several co-operatives remove hold been formed inwards relation to the handicraft work. The non-governmental organisation of WoDaaBe jewelry makers called Cooperative Artisana Bororo (WoDaaBe), established inwards 1994, was in all probability the start one. The cooperative built a little theatre for their arts and crafts piece of work with the assistance of a Belgian evolution organization, also getting a donation from a white someone they had befriended. Such houses brand a swell difference,making the arts and crafts objects to a greater extent than visible too accessible to tourists too are thus greatly desired past times most handicraft makers.
Mbororo women
Construction of Gender
Women andmen arrive at through several life stages. As a newborn, the adult woman is called Bikkon dewi kesi, a few months after she is Bikkon dewi jakul; equally a kid surba’el; equally a teenager surbaajo; after her start pregnancy too during the start years of motherhood, boofiiDo; equally a married adult woman yarijo; too equally an old
adult woman nayeejo.Women are defined equally surbaajo when they are old plenty to live component subdivision of the nightly gathering of people, to a greater extent than often than non equally a young, childless, single woman. Surbaajo tin live a married adult woman (if her swain does non brand her pregnant), but most married women acquire pregnant presently too thus the role of the surbaajo is to a greater extent than identified with the single women. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 surbaajo is sexually available to men (excluding those with whom she would live seen equally having an incest taboo). The surbaajo is good aware of her outer appearance, dresses good if she has the agency (often her older sisters or parents give her this article of apparel or her boyfriend, semaru).
Mbororo woman
A adult woman becomes boofiiDo when she is pregnant with her start child, but her whole time period equally a boofiiDo lasts for 2 or 3 years. If becoming pregnant past times i of her boyfriends, a woman’s actual union with her intended hubby volition live swiftly initiated, too her status is transformed into a bofido.The boofiiDo is symbolically an “invisible”woman, dressed inwards dark too without whatever decoration. She covers her trunk with a dark stuff too caput covert but has no shirt. After her kid is born, she walks exactly about with her breasts naked, a stuff wrapped exactly about her hips.When becoming a boofiiDo, a adult woman leaves the homestead of her hubby too returns to remain at her parents’ home. During this period, she volition non regard her hubby nor his theatre unit of measurement too she has inwards full general no interaction with anyone except the members of her ain household. Even during the annual gathering of the lineages, she stays secluded. If visitors brand it at her parents’ homestead, she does non brand her presence known. She has no human relationship with males, neither her hubby nor other men. The boofiiDo has a little bed at the theatre of her mother, which is situated to the left of the table. She is supposed to aid at her parents’ house, too is thus considered to live a valuable contribution to the piece of work force.Awoman is only a boofiiDo in i trial inwards her lifetime.When awoman’s time period equally a boofiiDo has ended, she becomes yarijo. She tin wearing apparel in i trial again inwards a colorfulway too interactwith people. Her life has changed, she is a married adult woman too a mother. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 yarijo tin patently non remove hold sexual relations with other men, she cannot live component subdivision of the nighttime gatherings too she cannot leave of absence belatedly inwards the eve without her husband’s permission.
Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 immature adult man coming of historic time period is, however, simply a kajejo, the term used most immature single men,married men, too men with a kid or children. His role only changes when he is conceptualized equally old, or ndottiijo. Kajejo, hence is someone who goes out too does what he wants, someone who goes out to discover dancing
too discover women. Briefly stated, according to these men, kajejo is someone who is enjoying life, too he becomes a dotti’owhen he is old too ugly (i.e.,no longer desired past times women).
Mbororo kids, Benin
Gender Relations
WoDaaBe gild is characterized past times strict partitioning of labor, which tin live seen equally a reflection of the gender segregation inwards the gild equally a whole. Women’s sphere of activities is the home, the suudu, inwards improver to milking related activities, patch men’s preoccupation is with the herd. Men too women do non eat together, too a adult man would never sit down downwards on a straw mat if women were gathered there, exactly equally a adult woman would non bring together a grouping of men.The everyday human relationship betwixt men too women is characterized past times reserve too avoidance (see give-and-take inwards Stenning 1959).Women are a source of pollution for men, especially inwards connection with menstruation. The menses blood is considered to deprive traditional medicines of their
powers, too thus women are non able to remove hold many medicines for protection, which are an of import component subdivision of the man’s life too powers.
Women are to a greater extent than often than non treated with abide by inwards an everyday setting but women’s stories of themselves too their lives silent straight limited their fright of men. They fright especially physical violence from their husbands, who are considered to remove hold the correct to land of written report them. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 woman’s parents are non able to interfere straight inwards the beating of their daughter, but the begetter or older brothers of the hubby do interfere.
Wodaabe woman bring upwards too her baby
Marriage
The Wodaabe exercise polygamy. Marriages are either arranged past times parents when the yoke are infants (called “koogal”), or they tin live because of beloved too attraction (called “teegal”). The start step, the puDDol, usually takes seat when the miss is really young. It is non of import how old the man child iswhen this is done,but the miss has to live nether xv years of age.The puDDol involves the killing of a immature bull or a sheep, depending on the wealth of the household.The puDDol is non necessarily done at the annual
lineage festival.The adjacent ceremony is simply called kobgal,which involves the killing of a bull (2 or 3 years
old) or a large cow, depending on the province of affairs of the household. Usually the miss is exactly about eleven to fourteen years old.
The adjacent ceremony is called bosDi kobgal too involves the killing of a sheep, whose meat is eaten past times both
families. Finally, at that topographic point is a serial of several gifts.
Koogal marriage: It takes seat through the slaughtering of a bull, uniting 2 families of the same lineage group. The kobgal union is arranged past times the parents for 2 immature children, too consists of a serial of steps which remove many years, but e'er involve either the boy’s theatre unit of measurement killing an creature or them giving gifts to the girl’s family.
In Wodaabe culture, men openly competitor over a woman, too it's upwards to her to remove who to live with, too the guys are really civil most it too
Teegal marriage: In performing a teegal union ceremony (which is union betwixt mutual consenting adults), a sheep is usually slaughtered. In some few instances, a bull is slaughtered; this is usually done if the
adult man is trying to demonstrate a swell affection for the woman, too imitates kobgal marriage.
Suka`en: Suka’en is an establishment where the begetter gives his boy his start calf. In some cases, if the adult man has a swell many cows or few sons, the daughters have a suka’en moo-cow from the father. The calf stays with the father’s herd where it grows too volition go what after constitutes the son’s herd. It is of import to greenback that the herd of a household does non only belong to the manlike someone caput of the household but also includes animals belonging to sons who silent brand their dwelling theatre (wuro)with their father.These animals volition shape the footing of what the sons tin remove hold after inwards independent households. Animals thus play a fundamental role inwards social institutions, constituting a medium where relationships are established inwards WoDaaBe society.
Culture of Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani
‘Pulaaku’
The chief socio-cultural code for Mbororo–Fulani grouping is known equally pulaaku, a code of demeanour too ethos believed past times them to live peculiar to too distinctive of the pastoral Mbororo-Fulani (Kirk-Greene 1986: 42). ‘Pulaaku’ provides both a moral framework too a code of behave to the pastoral Mbororo- Fulani, too is also maintained past times town Fulani. This code of behave is intimately jump upwards with nomadic pastoralism too with adept creature husbandry. It is also jump upwards with the fulfilment of duties to elders, wives too the lineage group, too the proper organisation of marriages. The 4 dominant strands of ‘pulaaku’ remove hold been identified as: fortitude inwards adversity too on might to remove misfortune (munyal); audio mutual feel too manners (hakkiilo); reserve too modesty inwards personal relations (semteende); too dignity (neddaaku). For the Mbororo Fulani themselves, ‘pulaaku’ makes them unique too different. It is most dignity too hiding problems.
Pulaaku’ functions equally a agency of maintaining an ethnic boundary exactly about the Mbororo category, such that it describes an ideology of racial too cultural distinctiveness too superiority that ranks the Mbororo- Fulani higher upwards all other ethnic groups (Burnham, 1996:106). The Mbororo Fulani equate their distinctive pastoral way of life with their ethnic origin, to the extent that “there is a potent attachment to the thought of ethnic exclusiveness” (Steening 1959:388) equally evidenced past times the existence (and use) of disparaging fulfulde damage for sedentary farmers (e.g haabe). There is also a continued style to get married inside migratory groups, often with unopen cousins, equally a agency of preserving ‘pulaaku’. Mbororo civilisation tin hence live seen equally exclusivist inwards orientation, a factor that has sometimes exacerbated inter-ethnic tension betwixt the Mbororo-Fulani too their farming neighbours. Thus cultural conflict is stereotypically expressed equally such:
“The natives inwards town regard the Mbororo Fulani equally uneducated, primitive too having a incorrect religion. The Mbororo-Fulani inwards the rural areas looks downwards on the natives equally haabe, hateful people who are poor, experience racially superior fifty-fifty to a native who is rich”
As with all cultural codes, pulaaku is non interpreted uniformly with inwards the different ethnic groups, too to a greater extent than broadly remains dependent to local interpretation too variations betwixt different Fulani groups across West Africa (Azarya 1999: 6-10).
However, pulaaku provides a unifying factor across the Mbororo-Fulani of Republic of Cameroon as betwixt the Jafun’en Bodaabe too Aku’en.
Wodaabe Gerewol festival
The Guérewol (var. Guerewol, Gerewol) is an annual courtship ritual competitor with the Wodaabe Fula people of Niger. Young men dressed inwards elaborate ornamentation too made upwards inwards traditional human face icon get together inwards lines to trip the low-cal fantastic too sing, vying for the attentions of marriageable immature women. The Guérewol occurs each yr equally the traditionally nomadic Wodaabe cattle herders get together at the southern border of the Sahara before dispersing due south on their dry out flavor pastures.
The most famous gathering dot is In-Gall inwards northwest Niger, where a large festival, marketplace too serial of clan meetings remove seat for both the Wodaabe too the pastoral Tuareg people. The actual trip the low-cal fantastic trial is called the Yaake, patch other less famous elements—bartering over dowry, competitions or camel races with suitors—make upwards the calendar week long Guérewol. The Guérewol is found wherever Wodaabe gather: from Niamey, to other places the Wodaabe locomote inwards their transhumance cycle, equally far afield equally northern Republic of Cameroon too Nigeria
Annual gathering
At the terminate of the rainy flavor inwards September, the Wodaabe locomote to In-Gall to get together common salt too participate at the Cure Salée festival, a coming together of several nomadic groups. Here the immature Wodaabe men, with elaborate make-up, feathers too other adornments, perform dances too songs to print women.
The manlike someone beauty ideal of the Wodaabe stresses tallness, white eyes too teeth; the men volition often gyre their eyes too present their teeth to emphasize these characteristics. The Wodaabe clans volition so bring together for their week-long Guérewol celebration, a competitor where the immature men's beauty is judged past times immature women.
Music too dance
The music too line dancing is typical of Fula traditions which remove hold largely disappeared with the vast diaspora of Fula people, many of whom are educated, Muslim, urbanites. This is characterized past times grouping singing, accompanied past times clapping, stomping too bells. The Wodaabe Guérewol festival is i of the to a greater extent than famous examples of this style of repeating, hypnotic, too percussive choral traditions, accompanied past times a swaying line dancing, where the men interlink arms too rising too autumn on their toes.
The Guérewol competitions involve the ornamented immature men dancing the Yaake inwards a line, facing a immature marriageable woman, sometimes repeatedly over a seven-day period, too for hours on terminate inwards the desert sun. Suitors come upwards to the encampment of the adult woman to testify their interest, stamina, too attractiveness. The participants often potable a fermented bark concoction to enable them to trip the low-cal fantastic for long periods, which reputedly has a hallucinogenic effect
Wodaabe women shielding from the sun
Religion
Although i of the start African tribes to convert to Islam, they save many of their Mbororo customs. They follow the Muslim rituals of prayer, fasting too pilgrimages, but because of their fright of the spirit world, they have on fetishes too charms, too exercise rituals for protection.
Despite this, they remove hold demonstrated an openness to the Gospel, especially when they regard it worked out inwards deeds of beloved too mercy.
Wodaabe people
Tourism
The Guérewol ritual has go a unusual tourist attraction since western films, too magazines such equally National Geographic, remove hold prominently featured images of the stylized performance
Socio-economic too cultural symbolic role of Cattle
Animals inwards WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani gild remove hold an interconnected symbolic, social too economical meaning. This applied especially to cattle whose multiple roles inwards WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani gild cannot live reduced to a single pregnant or purpose. Livestock tin live seen equally a medium inwards transforming the shrubs too annual grasses into products that tin live used past times humans (Johnson 1993: 26). Cows render people with milk too meat to sell at the marketplace for millet. Not only do cattle carry an reproduction of the social system.
Wodaabe adult woman from Niger
All major life transitions, such equally birth, union too decease remove seat with the assistance of cattle. In improver to their role inwards life transitions, cattle shape the footing for the of import gift distribution system, habana’i, which both establishes social human relationship inside too exterior the lineage group, leading to the reduction of gamble inside the pastoral economy. Goats too sheep are a relatively recent improver to WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani economy, serving equally a mobile reserve to sell at the market, inwards improver to sheep serving ceremonial purposes equally inwards other Islamic communities. Donkeys remove hold largely replaced the package-ox inwards transporting people too belongings too camels, which are used to picket the surface area too for transportation purposes.
Mbororo shepherdess
The WoDaaBe distinguish the Bororo Zebu breed of cows from other breeds of cattle, identifying it equally a “true” moo-cow (na’i gonga). When discussing livestock, people often utilization the unmarked category “cows” to refer to the Bororo Zebu but specify when referring to other breeds of cattle. The conceptualizations of cattle seem to remove hold some relevance to ethnicity, because other breeds of cattle are seen equally belonging to other ethnicities, patch the Bororo moo-cow is a WoDaaBe moo-cow (there are of course of education silent many WoDaaBe who remove hold Azawak cows).
The Bororo moo-cow is characterized past times a special attachment to its owner, existence extremely obeying too responding good to commands given past times people, inwards improver to knowing their names. They acquire used to specific people treatment them, refusing cooperating with strangers, such equally inwards damage of milking too watering. WoDaaBe sees this attachment to the possessor equally serving practical purposes because, equally they oft emphasize, it is almost impossible to steal a Bororo cow. They run away from a stranger, refusing cooperation. The Bororo cows are also characterized equally fiercely independent too tin inwards some situations live unsafe to people. Dupire points out that they tin exactly live seen equally partly domesticated animals, referring to their characteristic equally "semi-sauvage" (Dupire 1962: 95). WoDaaBe pull Bororo cattle equally having djikku (character), which is the same term equally used inwards relation to people. To remove hold djikku is usually characterized negatively past times WoDaaBe inwards relation to people, so equally referring to loss of self-control, but the utilization of such a term inwards relation to cows tin live seen equally placing them on the same flat equally people, conceptualizing them equally animals with temper too independent personalities. The Azawak breed of cows, on the other hand, is seen equally lacking grapheme too non forming ties with people. The Azawak cows are docile animals, making them to a greater extent than suitable equally pack-oxen inwards the past, fifty-fifty though some Bororo cows also took this role. Cattle remove hold private names. Each creature carries the same call equally the creature that gave nascence to it, which is curious considering that the WoDaaBe are a patrilineal society. This naming tradition is interesting because it appears almost equally if the same moo-cow is existence born in i trial again too again, thus creating continuity with the past. People know that an creature with the same call also belonged to their forefathers. Other kinds of animals occasionally remove hold names, but non equally uniformly equally cattle. The names of specific cattle are non only used inside the theatre unit of measurement but are often good known exterior the family, fifty-fifty with members of distant families.
The diverse taboos associated with objects having to do with cattle present the importance of cows, both inwards damage of subsistence too symbolism. The calf rope (dangul) has several taboos, i of its most of import existence that it should non live stepped on or over. The milking bowl (birdude) also has diverse taboos associated with it too should non live used for whatever other activity than milking, but calabashes used to eat from to a greater extent than often than non do non remove hold taboos associated with them. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 adult woman with unbraided pilus cannot go inwards the dudal (the cattle surface area of the camp) too no i tin remove charcoal from this fire.The breaking of these taboos volition usually travail misfortune to the herd, a calf dying or a moo-cow getting lost or ill. Dupire points out that the concepts yiite
(fire), nagge (cow) too naange (sun) all belong to the same shape (nge) inwards the Fulfulde language, existence the only concepts constituting that class.
Unlike the Western intellectual tradition, which has tended to pose emotional too rational aspects equally binary oppositions, WoDaBe regard these equally coexisting. When people verbalise over their affection for cows vis-à-vis other animals, the pragmatic chemical element of nourishment is often placed equally a fundamental ingredient of affection. WoDaaBe say that they never halt breast-feeding (muusini) because they go along feeding from their cows’ milk. The dependency on milk becomes so intense that during the droughts of 1968-1974 too 1984, many immature WoDaaBe attributed the decease of elderly people to the fact that they did non acquire whatever milk to potable for the start fourth dimension inwards their lives.
The WoDaaBe do non swallow milk of camels nor would they eat its meat. This is due to, according to themselves, their adherence to Islam. As some Wodaabe/Mboror-Fulani say “I don't actually aid most camels, because the camel volition non feed me,” (see also Loftsdóttir 1997). WoDaaBe underline that the well-being of the cows is the pre-condition of the well-being of human beings (Dupire 1962: 53). “WoDaaBe lay their strength to the cow, because WoDaaBe remove hold to remove aid of their cows, exactly equally the cows remove aid of WoDaaBe.” Its equally a resultant of this personal too intimate human relationship that why cows are given names patch most other animals are non given names. People did non seem to persuasion their human relationship with cows equally i of authorization too use, but to a greater extent than inwards damage of equality too reciprocity. "My people are equally masube (slaves) of cows, all y'all do is for your cows. If it is the dry out season, y'all want to go too acquire H2O for your cows. Your cows only wait, observing y'all working. You remove hold to do all the work, y'all remove hold to think most how to acquire the H2O (Akali; from notebook 10.3.1998).
The term sibiiru is also a powerful source of information regarding the ties betwixt WoDaaBe, ground too cattle. It literally refers to the bellybutton too the umbilical cord, but also to one's seat of root equally a component subdivision of a social group. At the nascence of a WoDaaBe child, the cord is cutting too so buried unopen to the wood sticks (kopeeje) that grip the calf rope inwards place. It is quite interesting that the cord should live buried unopen to the calf rope, where the calves are tied during milking.
Mbororo people from CAR
The symbolic pregnant of the association of ground with nascence too the human activity of earthworks the cord adjacent to the calf-rope is extensive. The calf-rope's extensive taboos, which if broken Pb to the herd's misfortune, dot the potent bonds placed betwixt the calf-rope too cattle. As previously discussed, cattle are characterized past times WoDaaBe equally semi-wild, but given rather human characteristics dissimilar other animals (such equally names too personality). It seems thus to live highly symbolic too meaningful that the cord is placed inwards the globe adjacent to an item (the calf-rope) symbolizing the herd. It ties people, ground too cattle inwards a unopen unity. It could also live important that the concept sibiiru is used both over the umbilical cord too the navel, stressing the sibiiru equally non only a cord which tin live cutting away, equally the English linguistic communication term implies, but continues to live a component subdivision of a person.
Furthermore, whereas the nourishing cord places an association betwixt nascence too the land, cattle tin inwards a feel been seen equally re-materializing inwards the cord, existence essential for subsistence equally the cord itself, existence the medium that allows people to subsist inside this environment, transforming grasses into products that tin live consumed past times humans. The cattle too the cord both constitute nourishing ties betwixt humans too their surroundings. The term sibiiru tin thus been seen equally referring to a symbolic association of the womb too the ground where i originated, united inwards a nourishing cord, the cattle.
WoDaaBe thus regard their human relationship with cattle equally i of protection too reciprocity. As stated past times Riesman inwards his ethnography on the Jelgobe Fulani, cattle tin live seen equally mediators of bush too human settlement (Riesman 1977: 255). Cattle are crucial economical too symbolic components of their society, making the production inwards the Sahel environs possible equally good equally existence integrated into the reproduction of their social system. Cattle remove some of the similar characteristics equally people, having grapheme too personal names, but are at the same fourth dimension silent conceptualized equally less domesticated than other animals.
Ginnol too the Social Space
The ginnol is interesting inwards the context of the conceptualization of human - environs relations because it indicates a farther conceptualization of the bush equally a non-socialized space. The ginnol is in all probability known to most Fulani groups, the concept has been translated equally "devil" or "spirit." (CRDTO 1971). In the lexicon past times Osborn et al., the concepts ginnaary, jinni, or ginnawol are seen equally referring to spirits (Osborn et al 1993). Ginnol is characterized equally a creature of the bush, fearing the WoDaaBe dwelling theatre (wuro) too to a greater extent than often than non not coming unopen to it, only making its appearance known inwards the bush. The most frequent encounters of ginnol are the sights of its dismiss from a distance, which appears equally a distant camp. Usually this happens to someone traveling lone at nighttime mayhap with his herd. The dismiss disappears too so reappears inwards a different place, only to disappear in i trial again. Sometimes voices accompany this vision equally people get together exactly about the fire. Even though inwards most cases ginnol only exposes itself inwards the dark, it also happens to brand appearances inwards daylight, thus indicating the ladde (even though inside the surface area of attachment) equally a unsafe seat for someone alone. The ginnol hesitates to go inwards the wuro, which is an assembly of objects too relationships, fifty-fifty though non tied downwards to a specific seat inwards the area.
Ginnol sometimes kills people but to a greater extent than oft is said to homecoming people mad or to disfigure them inwards i way or another. Human beings are non able to regard the ginnol, but only what is called busaka or a mbelu, which is the reflection or a shadow of the ginnol. The ginnol is also a shape-shifter too tin remove the appearance of both humans too animals. It usually attacks only a single private too is thus considered unsafe to someone travelling alone, fifty-fifty though at that topographic point are cases it making itself known to 2 or 3 people. As pointed out past times Riesman inwards relation to the Jelgobe Fulani, the ginnol attacks people who are inwards province of vulnerability (Riesman 1997: 220). My involvement inwards the ginnol inwards this context is how it reflects an interesting dichotomy betwixt the wuro too the bush. The wuro is a moveable infinite of monastic say too security patch its surrounding areas tin live unsafe too unpredictable. The fact that the ginnol to a greater extent than often than non attacks someone lone re-emphasizes the importance of social networking too solidarity. In contexts of narratives of the ginnol, a binary opposition tin almost live drawn betwixt the wuro too the ladde; the one-time characterized past times solidarity but the latter past times isolation; the one-time security too regulations but the latter danger too chaos.
Mbororo boy
Cattle too Ginnol
Further information most WoDaaBe’s conceptualization of their human relationship with the bush is observed inwards the human relationship of ginnol too animals. I previously suggested that the WoDaaBe do non conceptualize their human relationship with their cows equally existence hierarchical equally much equally a symbiotic reciprocity, where humans remove aid of their cows too vice versa. WoDaaBe root myths emphasize that cows came to alive with humans past times their ain will, too they are seen equally e'er maintaining their independent character. The wuro involves the coexistence of humans too animals, too that the cows mediate betwixt the bush too the home.
Cows regard the ginnol, which is attached to the herd too often stays unopen to it. At night, some people are afraid to go inwards their cattle herd because the ginnol may live there. The ginnol volition non go inwards the cattle surface area if the cattle coral dismiss (duDal) is burning, because it fears fire, but waits until it eventually dies out. The human relationship of cows too ginnol is also expressed inwards some cows existence considered to remove hold ginnol. These are cows that do non remove hold an uniform rope, but a mixture of many colors, especially if the creature is an ox (budjeri) or bull (kalhaldi). WoDaaBe regard mixture of different elements equally inherently bad, expressed inwards that the mixing of different nutrient existence unsafe for people’s health, too a someone of mixed ancestry is considered to live to a greater extent than unsafe than i who is of "pure" ancestry. Cattle with ginnol are thus especially unsafe to people.
Another association betwixt ginnol, cows too people has to do with the moral behave of WoDaaBe, which requires the someone to part his or her resources with other WoDaaBe. It should live noted, however, that the next information depends on really few sources too I remove hold also heard the same story without the association with the ginnol. According to these informants, a someone who has a swell bargain of cows, too is non generous inwards giving or loaning them inwards habana'i may endure swell misfortune from the manus of the ginnol. When that happens, a unusual audio is all of a abrupt heard from the herd, similar someone is beating a drum or a calabash (tumBal). The herd becomes restless, but the beating continues too at that topographic point is no i to live seen.
Mbororo adult woman from Sudan
If the someone who owns the cows does non start straightaway to kill his ain cows, he volition certainly die. In monastic say to relieve his life, he should telephone call upwards people too inquire them to aid him. He should start killing his animals, past times slashing their human foot past times the sword inwards monastic say to live able to kill them to a greater extent than easily. Many cows remove hold to live killed (between x or xx according to i informant) too afterwards the meat is cooked too distributed. I was told that this was "work ginnol" because someone's cows are also numerous too he is non willing to part them with others. What is of special involvement hither is that the ginnol seems to serve equally a moral reminder of i fellow WoDaaBe against another, using the herd equally a mediator.
source:"Birds of the Bush: Wodaabe Distinctions of Society too Nature" past times KRISTÍN LOFTSDÓTTIR, University of Iceland
Mbororo woam
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Wodaabe adult man from Republic of Mali at Gerewol Festival beauty Contest for men
The Wodaabe/Mbororo–Fulani, who are the largest nomadic grouping inwards the world, play a crucial economical role equally seen inwards the next remark past times Weeks (1978: 133), “Their herds of cattle too sheep are the major source of meat for hundreds of villagers, towns too cities from Wadai, beyond the shore of lake Republic of Chad to the Atlantic coast of Senegal.”
Mbororo adult woman from Cameroon
They are known for their beauty (both men too women), elaborate attire too rich cultural ceremonies. Obsessively vain, exotic, strange, too foreign–these are words oft used past times Europeans too Americans
to pull the Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani. In her 2001 book, Nomads Who Cultivate Beauty, Mette Bovin confronts these stereotypes. She notes that although many may believe that the tall sparse Wodaabe men–who pigment their faces yellow, widen their eyes, too quiver their dark painted lips during annual trip the low-cal fantastic performances–resemble “homosexuals or transvestites,” Wodaabe men are, inwards fact, dressing “for the sake of immature girls” (p. 41). The Wodaabe, especially men, “use enormous amounts of time, release energy too coin to go pretty, handsome, beautiful, ’exotic,’ attractive, elegant, refined, too symmetrical inwards pitiable surroundings” (p. 9).
Gerewol festival of Wodaabe people
The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold a wonderful Gerewol festival, an annual courtship ritual competition. Young men dressed inwards elaborate ornamentation too made upwards inwards traditional human face icon get together inwards lines to trip the low-cal fantastic too sing, vying for the attentions of marriageable immature women. In outlining the the yaake dance, Bovin explained that manlike someone dancers strive to copy the grace too elegance associated with the long-legged white cattle egret, attempting to harness the might of the bird. Bovin writes most Wodaabe women that they appear to play a peripheral role.
Yaake trip the low-cal fantastic of Wodaabe peopler
For example, Bovin writes that during yaake performances, women “stand inwards a crowd at a distance, they await shy, but they are inwards fact active too of import spectators. Women guess too remove with the men!” Bovin continues to province that women “choose non the ”Miss Wodaabe“ but the ”Mr. Wodaabe“ of the year!” (p. 47). In fact, the “names of manlike someone beauty competitor winners are remembered for several generations” (p. 68).
Wodaabe people from Central African Republic
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani are used inwards the world of images through the commercialization of products. Anita Roddick, the founder of the multinational cosmetic fellowship the Body Shop, has associated images of the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani with her beauty products (see Zinn 1991). Probably, the Body Shop’s association with the WoDaaBe is intended to underline the company’s association with nature, which the company’s identity is based on. In a query trip for the idiot box serial Millennium, Roddick spent 2 weeks with the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani (Roddick 1991:182). She recounts that: “I remove hold also learned the pure joy that is to live obtained frommixing with elementary people whose lives are untainted past times what nosotros remove hold laughably described equally ‘progress’” (Roddick 1991:181).
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold a high grade of mobility, moving on average every 3 days, making utilization of the scattered distributed resources too plumbing fixtures their mode of production into the pulsating environs of their arid habitat (see Johnson 1993: 27; Glantz 1987: 51). Material civilisation is good adapted to this mobility; belongings few too thus easily transported to a novel location. During the rainy season, the different patrilocal lineage groups remain unopen together making social activities to a greater extent than intense. During the dry out season, however, camps are spread out over a large area, making social interaction minimal due to the long distance betwixt the different camps. A council of men (suura) discusses too decides movements inside the lineage group, fifty-fifty though each caput of the household, e'er a male, is costless to displace when too where he wants. This high migratory nature of Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani too its attendant devastation of lands too holding of the areas (countries) they arrive at through is i of the major inter-ethnic conflicts inwards Sub-Saharan Africa.
Wodaabe people from Niger
In the Fula language, woɗa agency "taboo", too Woɗaaɓe agency "people of the taboo". "Wodaabe" is an Anglicisation of Woɗaaɓe. This is sometimes translated equally "those who abide by taboos", a reference to the Wodaabe isolation from broader Fulbe culture, too their contestation that they retain "older" traditions than their Fulbe neighbors. In contrast, other Fulbe equally good equally other ethnic groups sometimes refer to the Wodaabe equally "Bororo" (singular: Mbororo), a sometimes pejorative name, translated into English linguistic communication equally "Cattle Fulani", too pregnant "those who dwell inwards cattle camps". By the 17th century, the Fula people across West Africa were with the start ethnic groups to covert Islam, were often leaders of those forces which spread Islam, too remove hold been traditionally proud of the urban, literate, too pious life with which this has been related. Both Wodaabe/Mbororo too other Fulbe regard inwards the Wodaabe the echoes of an before pastoralist way of life, of which the Wodaabe are proud too of which urban Fulbe are sometimes critical
The Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani tin live divided into 3 major ethnic groups identified past times the color of their cattle, style of ornamentation of their bowls, too migratory movements. These are the ‘Aku-en’, Bodaabe too the ‘Jafun-en’.
Mbororo adult man from cameroon
WoDaaBe/mboror-Fulani pastoral nomads inwards Niger alive inwards mobile cattle-camps, their ethnic identity too economical subsistence based on cattle herding. WoDaaBe often refer to themselves equally the birds of the bush (solli ladde) or equally the people of the bush (taguu ladde), thus associating their ethnic identity strongly with their natural environment, recognizing the economical too symbolic association of humans too environment. In other contexts, however, WoDaaBe characterize themselves equally separate from their physical environment, posing the dwelling theatre (wuro) too bush (ladde) equally structural oppositions. Cows are described equally domesticated too “wild,” indicating their role inwards mediating betwixt nature too people - betwixt a social too non-socialized space.
In Republic of Cameroon Wodaabe/Mbororo’en (singular: Mbororo) are found all over the national territory nether 4 Lamidats (the paramount traditional institution) nether whom are found community leaders called Ardos. The 4 Lamidats are found inwards Fuigil inwards the North Province, Lompta inwards the Adamaoua Province, Sabga inwards the North West Province too Didango inwards the West Province.
The Mbororo inwards Central African Republic tin also live found inwards the prefectures of Ouaka inwards part 4 inwards the centre-east; M’bomou inwards part half-dozen inwards the south; Nana-Mambéré inwards part 3 inwards the north-west too Ombella-Mpoko inwards part 1 inwards the south-west. The 2003 census gave an Mbororo population of 39,299, or 1% of the population. There is a higher proportion of Mbororo inwards rural areas, where they business concern human relationship for 1.4% of the population, than inwards urban areas where they stand upwards for only 0.2%.
Mbororo adult woman with her child, Ouham Bac, Central African Republic
Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani Migratory nature too surface area of attachment
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold several kinds of migrations, which tin live divided into brusque movements aiming at finding nourishment for animals, too a transhumance motion betwixt rainy flavor too dry out flavor pasture. In spite of a high grade of mobility, WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani tend to utilization the same full general areas yr after year.
Wodaabe woman
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani remove hold an extensive vocabulary referring to migration movements, too different groups remove hold to some extent different usage (Loftsdóttir 2000). The different movements tin live classified according to the length of motion they refer to too the flavor which migration takes place, inwards improver to referring to diverse special distances such equally the length from well, the closeness to the previous line of piece of work spot (see also Loftsdóttir 1997).
Mbororo girl
In addition, WoDaaBe seat a historical migration called perol. The term refers to a migration out of the ordinary, often a temporarily exploitation of novel too unusual spaces, thus non only taking the grouping from its surface area of attachment but to an alien territory. Perol is thus an adaptive strategy used inwards hard ecological too political situations. The motion tin live permanent, fifty-fifty though in all probability inwards most cases people want to homecoming to their gari.
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani refer to the dry out flavor pasture or the surface area exactly about the most oft used wells equally an “area of attachment” past times the concepts gari or ngenndi. The concept gari, refers to an surface area that has either a town or a water-hole place, because “that is the seat where people sit down down.” Thus, the thought too utilization of gari involves coexistence of human beings with an environment. Even though the rainy flavor pasture is often inwards the same surface area yr after year, the rainy flavor pasture is usually non referred to equally gari.
Pastoral societies to a greater extent than often than non subsist on millet consumption, which provides higher caloric values. In monastic say for a consummate dependency on milk to live possible the creature human ratio must live extremely high (Gefu 1992: 20). The association of an “area of attachment” too settlement underlines the importance of millet for pastoral societies, too thus the affiliation with agricultural societies, which constitute a component subdivision of WoDaaBe social construction too history (See Dupire 1972: 12). The bush inwards the context of their surface area of attachment is thus a highly socialized space, involving the presence too human relationship of people of different ethnicities having of import trading relationships. In this context, the town10 is also clearly non an opposition to the bush (ladde) inwards which they live, but a component subdivision of it.
It should live underlined that gari does non refer to a populated area. Images awakened when discussing ladde (and thus gari) devastation shows this clearly, phrasing it equally ladde wati, translated literally equally the “bush has died.” Ladde wati is described equally an surface area that wild fauna remove hold left, where trees remove hold been cutting down, fields are extensive too population high. As explained to me: “That is no longer a bush.”
WoDaaBe remove hold some other concept, ladde hurram, which refers to a to a greater extent than “wild” bush. This concept is used regarding infinite lacking human settlement, i.e., people, waterholes, too towns are absent. When people explained this concept to me, they emphasized that non only does it refer to a infinite without human beings but is occupied past times thieves too evil spirits ginni (sing. ginnol), making it inherently dangerous. The work of thieves too spirits also exists inwards ladde but becomes to a greater extent than shrewd inwards ladde hurram, because the presence of people too the intimate cognition people remove hold of ladde makes the ladde to a greater extent than secure. When these concepts, si'ire (town), ladde (bush), ladde hurram (“wild” bush) are placed inwards connection with each other, it tin live suggested that they existing on a scale moving from a dense human population to the lack of it.
Mbororo adult man from Mboki, Cameroon
Wodaabe-Mbororo-Fulani Settlement
The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani dwelling theatre wuro (pl. gure) is composed past times several smaller units called cuudi (sing. suudu).The concept wuro goes beyond referring simply to a "house," but describes a sociographic unit, headed past times a man, which usually is tied together past times kinship (Riesman 1977: 31). The suudu is composed past times a bed (leso) too tabular array (saga) which are marked from their surroundings past times a one-half circle of branches placed on the earth. Each suudu belongs to i married adult woman of the household too it is almost alone a woman's space. She spends most of her fourth dimension inwards or exactly about it, all her belongings are usually there, too she invites her friends too theatre unit of measurement into this infinite (see also Sa'ad 1991: 212; Bovin 2001: 62-64). The wuro, however, is seen equally belonging to the husband; he takes decisions where to brand it, how often too with whom. The mobile characteristics of the wuro agency that it is non a construction rooted inwards a seat but characterized past times its objects, inwards improver to referring to highly regulated spaces.
Mbororo adult woman from due south Sudan
These diverse organisation aspects of the wuro, such equally who makes it, where, with whom too when, equally good equally its spatial organizations, are understood non only inwards gendered damage but also to some extent inwards ethnic terms. Even though the term wuro is used over the homes of other ethnicities equally well, its chief organizational characteristics are linked with WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani social too political organizations. The wuro (and the suudu) constitute points of reference inwards relation to the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani lineage systems too are often conceptualized equally the smallest units of the lineage construction (see also Bonfiglioli 1988). The mobility, crucial to the shape too existence of the wuro, is also seen, equally previously discussed, equally an integrated component subdivision of WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani ethnicity.
In a similar fashion to the surface area of attachment, the wuro is conceptualized equally a infinite of human coexistence, of solidarity too safety. The farther away i is from the dwelling theatre or from a human settlement inwards general, the greater the danger may live waiting inwards the bush. These dangers are partly derived from the physical characteristics of the bush, where people tin acquire lost too perish of thirst but also dangers of existence attacked past times thieves, ginnol, or inwards the past, wild animals. WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani survival strategy depends on co-operation too closeness to other human beings, rather than the exclusion of them. The WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani cattle-loans demonstrate that WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani relationships are strategies for a safer survival. Cattle-loans (habana’i) are a social establishment with the WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani which redistributes wealth. Individuals tin invest inwards social relationships past times lending out their cattle. These strategies of increasing security inwards an unpredictable environs are informed too understood with reference to WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani ethnicity, because, equally it is explained, "someone who does non want to engage inwards cattle loans is non a WoDaaBe."
Individuals are also rubber equally long equally they remain inside the human settlement, i.e. the home, too the dwelling theatre is safer when non also far from other camps. The army camp is, equally this adult man stated, non only a seat of security for human beings but also for the domesticated animals. The cows graze at nighttime inwards a grouping (sogal), but smaller animals depend on the security of the theatre to avoid existence eaten past times wild animals. In the dry out flavor when the camps are far from each other, the camps are to a greater extent than vulnerable. The rainy flavor is the fourth dimension of prosperity too security which is to some extent due to the brusque distance of the houses from each other. In the dry out season, the bush is considered to live unsafe (kalledum) because the other camps are far away too crimes occur frequently, partly because people are to a greater extent than vulnerable due to their isolation, but also because of an increased shortage of food. People feared, for example, to a greater extent than for my security during the dry out flavor inwards the bush than during the rainy season.
WoDaaBe conceptualize their wuro equally a rubber surface area that is, on some level, a component subdivision of the bush but also equally distinguished past times the bush exactly about it. As stated past times Riesman, “the bush is at in i trial close too far” (Riesman 1977: 251).
Mbororo Fulani from Cameroon
Language
WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani speak Fula linguistic communication which belongs to the Senegambian branch of the Niger–Congo linguistic communication family. It is spoken equally a start linguistic communication past times the Fulɓe (Fula or Fulani people) too related groups (such equally the Tukulor inwards the Senegal River Valley) from Senegambia too Republic of Guinea to Republic of Cameroon too Sudan. It is also spoken equally a instant linguistic communication past times people inwards the region.
Wodaabe adult woman from Chad
History
Instead of focusing on the rich history of the Fulani, Westerners were preoccupied with myths of their pristine root exterior Africa. One theory was that the Fulani were a mixture of Jews too Arabs with a Sudanese tribe of Cushitic origin, who came to Africa inwards the early on days of Islam (see give-and-take inwards Meek 1925:95). Lieutenant Boyd Alexander argued that the Fulani are “interesting people of Eastern origin, who are believed to remove hold settled inwards Arab Republic of Egypt from farther East, too to remove hold been driven out of their adopted province during the Theban Dynasty, 2,500 years ago” (Alexander 1908:190). One good known theory regarding the root of the Fulani was M. Delfosse’s thesis that they were a grouping of Armaic-speaking Judaeo-Syrians who entered “Negro” Africa from Cyrenaica most 200 A.D. (see give-and-take inwards Greenberg 1949:190) too so became the white rulers of Republic of Ghana from the 4th to the 8th or 9th century (Meek 1925:95).
Wodaabe nomad girls returning from the good with H2O hanging inwards caprine animal peel bags nether their donkeys' bellies
To hold this innovation of the caucasoid root of the Fulani, it was often argued that the linguistic communication of the Fulani was Hamitic, an thought which was met with broad credence (Greenberg 1949:190). Delfosse states that Fulanis were the" fruits of the union betwixt Oukba too Bajjo Mango were 4 children, Deita, Woya, Roroba too Nasi. He claims that, they are the actual ancestors of the Fulani who started speaking Fulfude. Arnott (1970:8), agreeing with the higher upwards view, farther greenback that after some fourth dimension the ancestors separated too i of the grouping moved to Futa–Toro (Senegal Basin). This was farther confirmed past times Murdock (1959:415), who linked the Fulani to the Tukular tribe who silent inhabit the middle part of Senegal. This persuasion is supported past times Sa’ad (1977) inwards the next statement. “The earliest centre of the Fulani inwards the western Sudan was the part of Senegal Basin but today, they are found equally far equally Sudan too Ethiopia…”
In some other piece of work past times St. Croix (1945: 9), he narrates a legend which explains the root of the nomadic Fulani. The narration indicates that the nomadic Fulani are descendants of a babe who was left inwards the bush past times the woman bring upwards due to a quarrel betwixt she too her husband. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 spirit found the babe too promised him that, he would roam continuously inwards the bush but would live rewarded with a lot of wealth. The man child was advised to go to a river where inwards a line of cattle would emerge. He was counseled past times the spirit to Pb the line of emerging cattle too non to glance behind. The man child failed to obey the education too looked behind. He did so too the emerging cattle from of the river stopped when the most beautiful beast was emerging.
mbororo people
The WoDaaBe remove hold been referred to inwards to a greater extent than recent publications equally primitive fossils having survived through the twentieth century. One text describes them equally “unique people, believed to remove hold been with the start inhabitants of Africa, the descendants of the mysterious people of an ancient surface area who sculptured fantastic drawings into the rocks” (Chesi 1977:65). Another relatively recent text states that nomadic Fulani remove hold a striking similarity to stone paintings inwards the Tassili caves inwards People's Democratic Republic of Algeria dating from 4000–2000 B.C. (Beckwith
too van Offelen 1983:30).The text claims to live able to separate “negroid figures” inwards these ancient paintings (Beckwith too van Offelen 1983:30), thus in i trial again separating the nomadic Fulani from“blackness.”
Professor John Coleman DeGraft-Johnson, the celebrated African historian from Republic of Ghana averred that Fulanis were already inwards Futa too Senegal when the Jews that fled from Cyrenaica equally resultant of Romans persecution came to encounter them. He asserted that "There is mayhap no grouping of people inwards Western Sudan with to a greater extent than Jewish blood inwards them than the pastoral Fulani inwards Futa. who, by mixing with the people of the shores of Lake Chad, passed on their Jewish blood to the areas exactly about Kanem too Bornu several centuries later."
Wodaabe
Palmer (1967) supports the aforementioned perspective too farther recounts that the hybrid too Arabs, who eventually penetrated into the Maghrib inwards North Africa most 650-750 A.D. mixed with some other grouping of people, the Duradae. According to Palmer, the Duradae are the source of the “Fulani proper”. Meek (1913) on the other hand, links the Fulani with proto-Egyptians too an ancient Libyan tribe. He arrived at this suggestion past times studying the physique of the Fulani. Furthermore, many writers remove hold traced too attributed the root of the Fulani to the Arabs equally inwards the instance of St. Croix (1945) too Mohammad (1976: 29-33). One of the legends narrated from the latter, explicate that the Fulani are descendants of i of the 5 offspring of Oukba- an Arab, too Bajjo Mango – a Sarakoule. He farther narrates that the Fulani were settled inwards Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya too Arab Republic of Egypt too they moved south-westwards to the Bend of Niger too to Futa too Senegal.
The Fulani did non remain or settle permanently along the Senegal River equally some of them moved eastward to other parts of Africa, equally indicated past times Mohammad (1959:226–227). The migration of the nomadic Fulani from Futa–Toro into Ferlo inwards the due south too Kaarto inwards the due east is confirmed past times Murdock (1959:417). The Fulani arrived inwards Masina through Sonika too Bambara inwards the 14th century, patch a vanguard of them infiltrated into Futa Jalon from Senegal. Further migration took them into Hausa ground exactly about Sokoto too inwards Bauchi inwards Northern Nigeria. Muhammad (1976: 153) explains that the eastward motion was due to the next reasons; the large ocean, which lies to the west; inwards the north, the Sahara desert is a hindrance too to the south, the thick forest, which breeds the tse-tse fly, made the eastward motion the best option.
Economy
The economic scheme of the Mbororo–Fulani inwards the early on 19th century was exceedingly simple. Cattle had petty economical significance too the disclose a adult man owned was an index of his wealth too importance. The women were responsible for milking too they carried the milk, with pats of butter floating inwards it, inwards large shallow gourds to local markets, where it was exchanged for nutrient grown past times cultivators.
Expenditure was on food, salt, payment for ‘gainakos ’(herdsmen) too ‘jangali’ (cattle tax), with occasional purchase of cloth, household goods too saddlery. Mbororo–Fulani sold cattle with the utmost reluctance; the disclose sold volition depend on the expenditures that cannot live met past times receipts from the sale of milk too butter past times the women. The greater parts of such expenditure were on annual cattle taxation paid to the local councils.
Beautiful Mbororo woman
Commercial Trade
The handicraft piece of work of theWoDaaBe tin live seen equally a commercialization of identity related products because these products are marketed too sold equally traditional WoDaaBe items. This manufacturing of identity becomes clearer when i realizes that most of those doing handicraft piece of work today are often engaged inwards the selling of other identity related products than WoDaaBe jewelry, such equally traditional WoDaaBe clothing, Tuareg jewelry, too trip the low-cal fantastic performances, which remove hold been popularized inwards the full general media of the West.
WoDaaBe make several kinds of jewelry,mostly necklaces too bracelets. There are diverse models available for sale, too patch some people are imaginative too creative inwards finding novel ones others simply re-create what has already been done.
For many of the objects cowries are used, which were a currency inwards West Africa for many centuries. Ibn Batuta, for example, who visited the Mandingo Empire ofMelle, inwards 1352, mentions that at that fourth dimension cowries were used equally currency (Meek 1925:65). The production of jewelry is divided into a disclose of steps,many items existence made at same time, too is thus similar to an assembly line. The most mutual items of article of apparel sold are the woman’s skirt (wudere), immature woman’s shirt (henare surbadajo) too a stuff used bymenduring dances.This article of apparel has extensive piece of work inwards the same embroidery style, a style that is considered distinctly WoDaaBe. Recently, the styles of the embroidered article of apparel remove hold been expanded somewhat to adapt to what tourists are to a greater extent than probable to buy.These novel items include trousers, blouses, too shirts that are shaped similar T-shirts.
Mbororo people
It is relatively mutual inwards Niamey that groups of WoDaaBe are hired to present dances, either past times evolution organizations or unusual cultural institutions.Groups of WoDaaBe remove hold gone abroad to present dances,most oft to France, Kingdom of Belgium or Holland.These trip the low-cal fantastic exhibitions are usually non good paid, but include the possibility of selling “real”WoDaaBe handicrafts or the Tuareg jewelry. Such dance-trips are simultaneously sales trips selling handicrafts too everyday items such equally clothing, swords, jewelry,hats,and trip the low-cal fantastic decoration
items. Silver tin convey swell profits if taken on such trips.
WoDaaBe tin live seen inwards the “tourist streets” of Niamey too fifty-fifty though non equally numerous equally Tuareg arts and crafts makers, they tin live no less aggressive inwards seeking clients. Several co-operatives remove hold been formed inwards relation to the handicraft work. The non-governmental organisation of WoDaaBe jewelry makers called Cooperative Artisana Bororo (WoDaaBe), established inwards 1994, was in all probability the start one. The cooperative built a little theatre for their arts and crafts piece of work with the assistance of a Belgian evolution organization, also getting a donation from a white someone they had befriended. Such houses brand a swell difference,making the arts and crafts objects to a greater extent than visible too accessible to tourists too are thus greatly desired past times most handicraft makers.
Mbororo women
Construction of Gender
Women andmen arrive at through several life stages. As a newborn, the adult woman is called Bikkon dewi kesi, a few months after she is Bikkon dewi jakul; equally a kid surba’el; equally a teenager surbaajo; after her start pregnancy too during the start years of motherhood, boofiiDo; equally a married adult woman yarijo; too equally an old
adult woman nayeejo.Women are defined equally surbaajo when they are old plenty to live component subdivision of the nightly gathering of people, to a greater extent than often than non equally a young, childless, single woman. Surbaajo tin live a married adult woman (if her swain does non brand her pregnant), but most married women acquire pregnant presently too thus the role of the surbaajo is to a greater extent than identified with the single women. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 surbaajo is sexually available to men (excluding those with whom she would live seen equally having an incest taboo). The surbaajo is good aware of her outer appearance, dresses good if she has the agency (often her older sisters or parents give her this article of apparel or her boyfriend, semaru).
Mbororo woman
A adult woman becomes boofiiDo when she is pregnant with her start child, but her whole time period equally a boofiiDo lasts for 2 or 3 years. If becoming pregnant past times i of her boyfriends, a woman’s actual union with her intended hubby volition live swiftly initiated, too her status is transformed into a bofido.The boofiiDo is symbolically an “invisible”woman, dressed inwards dark too without whatever decoration. She covers her trunk with a dark stuff too caput covert but has no shirt. After her kid is born, she walks exactly about with her breasts naked, a stuff wrapped exactly about her hips.When becoming a boofiiDo, a adult woman leaves the homestead of her hubby too returns to remain at her parents’ home. During this period, she volition non regard her hubby nor his theatre unit of measurement too she has inwards full general no interaction with anyone except the members of her ain household. Even during the annual gathering of the lineages, she stays secluded. If visitors brand it at her parents’ homestead, she does non brand her presence known. She has no human relationship with males, neither her hubby nor other men. The boofiiDo has a little bed at the theatre of her mother, which is situated to the left of the table. She is supposed to aid at her parents’ house, too is thus considered to live a valuable contribution to the piece of work force.Awoman is only a boofiiDo in i trial inwards her lifetime.When awoman’s time period equally a boofiiDo has ended, she becomes yarijo. She tin wearing apparel in i trial again inwards a colorfulway too interactwith people. Her life has changed, she is a married adult woman too a mother. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 yarijo tin patently non remove hold sexual relations with other men, she cannot live component subdivision of the nighttime gatherings too she cannot leave of absence belatedly inwards the eve without her husband’s permission.
Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 immature adult man coming of historic time period is, however, simply a kajejo, the term used most immature single men,married men, too men with a kid or children. His role only changes when he is conceptualized equally old, or ndottiijo. Kajejo, hence is someone who goes out too does what he wants, someone who goes out to discover dancing
too discover women. Briefly stated, according to these men, kajejo is someone who is enjoying life, too he becomes a dotti’owhen he is old too ugly (i.e.,no longer desired past times women).
Mbororo kids, Benin
Gender Relations
WoDaaBe gild is characterized past times strict partitioning of labor, which tin live seen equally a reflection of the gender segregation inwards the gild equally a whole. Women’s sphere of activities is the home, the suudu, inwards improver to milking related activities, patch men’s preoccupation is with the herd. Men too women do non eat together, too a adult man would never sit down downwards on a straw mat if women were gathered there, exactly equally a adult woman would non bring together a grouping of men.The everyday human relationship betwixt men too women is characterized past times reserve too avoidance (see give-and-take inwards Stenning 1959).Women are a source of pollution for men, especially inwards connection with menstruation. The menses blood is considered to deprive traditional medicines of their
powers, too thus women are non able to remove hold many medicines for protection, which are an of import component subdivision of the man’s life too powers.
Mbororo woman, Nigeria
Women are to a greater extent than often than non treated with abide by inwards an everyday setting but women’s stories of themselves too their lives silent straight limited their fright of men. They fright especially physical violence from their husbands, who are considered to remove hold the correct to land of written report them. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 woman’s parents are non able to interfere straight inwards the beating of their daughter, but the begetter or older brothers of the hubby do interfere.
Wodaabe woman bring upwards too her baby
Marriage
The Wodaabe exercise polygamy. Marriages are either arranged past times parents when the yoke are infants (called “koogal”), or they tin live because of beloved too attraction (called “teegal”). The start step, the puDDol, usually takes seat when the miss is really young. It is non of import how old the man child iswhen this is done,but the miss has to live nether xv years of age.The puDDol involves the killing of a immature bull or a sheep, depending on the wealth of the household.The puDDol is non necessarily done at the annual
Wodaabe bridesmaid
lineage festival.The adjacent ceremony is simply called kobgal,which involves the killing of a bull (2 or 3 years
old) or a large cow, depending on the province of affairs of the household. Usually the miss is exactly about eleven to fourteen years old.
The adjacent ceremony is called bosDi kobgal too involves the killing of a sheep, whose meat is eaten past times both
families. Finally, at that topographic point is a serial of several gifts.
Koogal marriage: It takes seat through the slaughtering of a bull, uniting 2 families of the same lineage group. The kobgal union is arranged past times the parents for 2 immature children, too consists of a serial of steps which remove many years, but e'er involve either the boy’s theatre unit of measurement killing an creature or them giving gifts to the girl’s family.
In Wodaabe culture, men openly competitor over a woman, too it's upwards to her to remove who to live with, too the guys are really civil most it too
Teegal marriage: In performing a teegal union ceremony (which is union betwixt mutual consenting adults), a sheep is usually slaughtered. In some few instances, a bull is slaughtered; this is usually done if the
adult man is trying to demonstrate a swell affection for the woman, too imitates kobgal marriage.
Wodaabe adult woman too child, Chad
Suka`en: Suka’en is an establishment where the begetter gives his boy his start calf. In some cases, if the adult man has a swell many cows or few sons, the daughters have a suka’en moo-cow from the father. The calf stays with the father’s herd where it grows too volition go what after constitutes the son’s herd. It is of import to greenback that the herd of a household does non only belong to the manlike someone caput of the household but also includes animals belonging to sons who silent brand their dwelling theatre (wuro)with their father.These animals volition shape the footing of what the sons tin remove hold after inwards independent households. Animals thus play a fundamental role inwards social institutions, constituting a medium where relationships are established inwards WoDaaBe society.
Wodaabe woman
Culture of Wodaabe/Mbororo-Fulani
‘Pulaaku’
The chief socio-cultural code for Mbororo–Fulani grouping is known equally pulaaku, a code of demeanour too ethos believed past times them to live peculiar to too distinctive of the pastoral Mbororo-Fulani (Kirk-Greene 1986: 42). ‘Pulaaku’ provides both a moral framework too a code of behave to the pastoral Mbororo- Fulani, too is also maintained past times town Fulani. This code of behave is intimately jump upwards with nomadic pastoralism too with adept creature husbandry. It is also jump upwards with the fulfilment of duties to elders, wives too the lineage group, too the proper organisation of marriages. The 4 dominant strands of ‘pulaaku’ remove hold been identified as: fortitude inwards adversity too on might to remove misfortune (munyal); audio mutual feel too manners (hakkiilo); reserve too modesty inwards personal relations (semteende); too dignity (neddaaku). For the Mbororo Fulani themselves, ‘pulaaku’ makes them unique too different. It is most dignity too hiding problems.
Pulaaku’ functions equally a agency of maintaining an ethnic boundary exactly about the Mbororo category, such that it describes an ideology of racial too cultural distinctiveness too superiority that ranks the Mbororo- Fulani higher upwards all other ethnic groups (Burnham, 1996:106). The Mbororo Fulani equate their distinctive pastoral way of life with their ethnic origin, to the extent that “there is a potent attachment to the thought of ethnic exclusiveness” (Steening 1959:388) equally evidenced past times the existence (and use) of disparaging fulfulde damage for sedentary farmers (e.g haabe). There is also a continued style to get married inside migratory groups, often with unopen cousins, equally a agency of preserving ‘pulaaku’. Mbororo civilisation tin hence live seen equally exclusivist inwards orientation, a factor that has sometimes exacerbated inter-ethnic tension betwixt the Mbororo-Fulani too their farming neighbours. Thus cultural conflict is stereotypically expressed equally such:
“The natives inwards town regard the Mbororo Fulani equally uneducated, primitive too having a incorrect religion. The Mbororo-Fulani inwards the rural areas looks downwards on the natives equally haabe, hateful people who are poor, experience racially superior fifty-fifty to a native who is rich”
As with all cultural codes, pulaaku is non interpreted uniformly with inwards the different ethnic groups, too to a greater extent than broadly remains dependent to local interpretation too variations betwixt different Fulani groups across West Africa (Azarya 1999: 6-10).
However, pulaaku provides a unifying factor across the Mbororo-Fulani of Republic of Cameroon as betwixt the Jafun’en Bodaabe too Aku’en.
Mbororo woman
Wodaabe Gerewol festival
The Guérewol (var. Guerewol, Gerewol) is an annual courtship ritual competitor with the Wodaabe Fula people of Niger. Young men dressed inwards elaborate ornamentation too made upwards inwards traditional human face icon get together inwards lines to trip the low-cal fantastic too sing, vying for the attentions of marriageable immature women. The Guérewol occurs each yr equally the traditionally nomadic Wodaabe cattle herders get together at the southern border of the Sahara before dispersing due south on their dry out flavor pastures.
The most famous gathering dot is In-Gall inwards northwest Niger, where a large festival, marketplace too serial of clan meetings remove seat for both the Wodaabe too the pastoral Tuareg people. The actual trip the low-cal fantastic trial is called the Yaake, patch other less famous elements—bartering over dowry, competitions or camel races with suitors—make upwards the calendar week long Guérewol. The Guérewol is found wherever Wodaabe gather: from Niamey, to other places the Wodaabe locomote inwards their transhumance cycle, equally far afield equally northern Republic of Cameroon too Nigeria
Annual gathering
At the terminate of the rainy flavor inwards September, the Wodaabe locomote to In-Gall to get together common salt too participate at the Cure Salée festival, a coming together of several nomadic groups. Here the immature Wodaabe men, with elaborate make-up, feathers too other adornments, perform dances too songs to print women.
The manlike someone beauty ideal of the Wodaabe stresses tallness, white eyes too teeth; the men volition often gyre their eyes too present their teeth to emphasize these characteristics. The Wodaabe clans volition so bring together for their week-long Guérewol celebration, a competitor where the immature men's beauty is judged past times immature women.
Music too dance
The music too line dancing is typical of Fula traditions which remove hold largely disappeared with the vast diaspora of Fula people, many of whom are educated, Muslim, urbanites. This is characterized past times grouping singing, accompanied past times clapping, stomping too bells. The Wodaabe Guérewol festival is i of the to a greater extent than famous examples of this style of repeating, hypnotic, too percussive choral traditions, accompanied past times a swaying line dancing, where the men interlink arms too rising too autumn on their toes.
Wodaabe (Bororo/Fulani) nomad adult woman pounding millet. Niger. Sahel.
The Guérewol competitions involve the ornamented immature men dancing the Yaake inwards a line, facing a immature marriageable woman, sometimes repeatedly over a seven-day period, too for hours on terminate inwards the desert sun. Suitors come upwards to the encampment of the adult woman to testify their interest, stamina, too attractiveness. The participants often potable a fermented bark concoction to enable them to trip the low-cal fantastic for long periods, which reputedly has a hallucinogenic effect
Wodaabe women shielding from the sun
Religion
Although i of the start African tribes to convert to Islam, they save many of their Mbororo customs. They follow the Muslim rituals of prayer, fasting too pilgrimages, but because of their fright of the spirit world, they have on fetishes too charms, too exercise rituals for protection.
Despite this, they remove hold demonstrated an openness to the Gospel, especially when they regard it worked out inwards deeds of beloved too mercy.
Wodaabe people
Tourism
The Guérewol ritual has go a unusual tourist attraction since western films, too magazines such equally National Geographic, remove hold prominently featured images of the stylized performance
Wodaabe man
Socio-economic too cultural symbolic role of Cattle
Animals inwards WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani gild remove hold an interconnected symbolic, social too economical meaning. This applied especially to cattle whose multiple roles inwards WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani gild cannot live reduced to a single pregnant or purpose. Livestock tin live seen equally a medium inwards transforming the shrubs too annual grasses into products that tin live used past times humans (Johnson 1993: 26). Cows render people with milk too meat to sell at the marketplace for millet. Not only do cattle carry an reproduction of the social system.
Wodaabe adult woman from Niger
All major life transitions, such equally birth, union too decease remove seat with the assistance of cattle. In improver to their role inwards life transitions, cattle shape the footing for the of import gift distribution system, habana’i, which both establishes social human relationship inside too exterior the lineage group, leading to the reduction of gamble inside the pastoral economy. Goats too sheep are a relatively recent improver to WoDaaBe/Mbororo-Fulani economy, serving equally a mobile reserve to sell at the market, inwards improver to sheep serving ceremonial purposes equally inwards other Islamic communities. Donkeys remove hold largely replaced the package-ox inwards transporting people too belongings too camels, which are used to picket the surface area too for transportation purposes.
Mbororo shepherdess
The WoDaaBe distinguish the Bororo Zebu breed of cows from other breeds of cattle, identifying it equally a “true” moo-cow (na’i gonga). When discussing livestock, people often utilization the unmarked category “cows” to refer to the Bororo Zebu but specify when referring to other breeds of cattle. The conceptualizations of cattle seem to remove hold some relevance to ethnicity, because other breeds of cattle are seen equally belonging to other ethnicities, patch the Bororo moo-cow is a WoDaaBe moo-cow (there are of course of education silent many WoDaaBe who remove hold Azawak cows).
The Bororo moo-cow is characterized past times a special attachment to its owner, existence extremely obeying too responding good to commands given past times people, inwards improver to knowing their names. They acquire used to specific people treatment them, refusing cooperating with strangers, such equally inwards damage of milking too watering. WoDaaBe sees this attachment to the possessor equally serving practical purposes because, equally they oft emphasize, it is almost impossible to steal a Bororo cow. They run away from a stranger, refusing cooperation. The Bororo cows are also characterized equally fiercely independent too tin inwards some situations live unsafe to people. Dupire points out that they tin exactly live seen equally partly domesticated animals, referring to their characteristic equally "semi-sauvage" (Dupire 1962: 95). WoDaaBe pull Bororo cattle equally having djikku (character), which is the same term equally used inwards relation to people. To remove hold djikku is usually characterized negatively past times WoDaaBe inwards relation to people, so equally referring to loss of self-control, but the utilization of such a term inwards relation to cows tin live seen equally placing them on the same flat equally people, conceptualizing them equally animals with temper too independent personalities. The Azawak breed of cows, on the other hand, is seen equally lacking grapheme too non forming ties with people. The Azawak cows are docile animals, making them to a greater extent than suitable equally pack-oxen inwards the past, fifty-fifty though some Bororo cows also took this role. Cattle remove hold private names. Each creature carries the same call equally the creature that gave nascence to it, which is curious considering that the WoDaaBe are a patrilineal society. This naming tradition is interesting because it appears almost equally if the same moo-cow is existence born in i trial again too again, thus creating continuity with the past. People know that an creature with the same call also belonged to their forefathers. Other kinds of animals occasionally remove hold names, but non equally uniformly equally cattle. The names of specific cattle are non only used inside the theatre unit of measurement but are often good known exterior the family, fifty-fifty with members of distant families.
The diverse taboos associated with objects having to do with cattle present the importance of cows, both inwards damage of subsistence too symbolism. The calf rope (dangul) has several taboos, i of its most of import existence that it should non live stepped on or over. The milking bowl (birdude) also has diverse taboos associated with it too should non live used for whatever other activity than milking, but calabashes used to eat from to a greater extent than often than non do non remove hold taboos associated with them. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 adult woman with unbraided pilus cannot go inwards the dudal (the cattle surface area of the camp) too no i tin remove charcoal from this fire.The breaking of these taboos volition usually travail misfortune to the herd, a calf dying or a moo-cow getting lost or ill. Dupire points out that the concepts yiite
(fire), nagge (cow) too naange (sun) all belong to the same shape (nge) inwards the Fulfulde language, existence the only concepts constituting that class.
Unlike the Western intellectual tradition, which has tended to pose emotional too rational aspects equally binary oppositions, WoDaBe regard these equally coexisting. When people verbalise over their affection for cows vis-à-vis other animals, the pragmatic chemical element of nourishment is often placed equally a fundamental ingredient of affection. WoDaaBe say that they never halt breast-feeding (muusini) because they go along feeding from their cows’ milk. The dependency on milk becomes so intense that during the droughts of 1968-1974 too 1984, many immature WoDaaBe attributed the decease of elderly people to the fact that they did non acquire whatever milk to potable for the start fourth dimension inwards their lives.
Wodaabe kids
The WoDaaBe do non swallow milk of camels nor would they eat its meat. This is due to, according to themselves, their adherence to Islam. As some Wodaabe/Mboror-Fulani say “I don't actually aid most camels, because the camel volition non feed me,” (see also Loftsdóttir 1997). WoDaaBe underline that the well-being of the cows is the pre-condition of the well-being of human beings (Dupire 1962: 53). “WoDaaBe lay their strength to the cow, because WoDaaBe remove hold to remove aid of their cows, exactly equally the cows remove aid of WoDaaBe.” Its equally a resultant of this personal too intimate human relationship that why cows are given names patch most other animals are non given names. People did non seem to persuasion their human relationship with cows equally i of authorization too use, but to a greater extent than inwards damage of equality too reciprocity. "My people are equally masube (slaves) of cows, all y'all do is for your cows. If it is the dry out season, y'all want to go too acquire H2O for your cows. Your cows only wait, observing y'all working. You remove hold to do all the work, y'all remove hold to think most how to acquire the H2O (Akali; from notebook 10.3.1998).
The term sibiiru is also a powerful source of information regarding the ties betwixt WoDaaBe, ground too cattle. It literally refers to the bellybutton too the umbilical cord, but also to one's seat of root equally a component subdivision of a social group. At the nascence of a WoDaaBe child, the cord is cutting too so buried unopen to the wood sticks (kopeeje) that grip the calf rope inwards place. It is quite interesting that the cord should live buried unopen to the calf rope, where the calves are tied during milking.
Mbororo people from CAR
The symbolic pregnant of the association of ground with nascence too the human activity of earthworks the cord adjacent to the calf-rope is extensive. The calf-rope's extensive taboos, which if broken Pb to the herd's misfortune, dot the potent bonds placed betwixt the calf-rope too cattle. As previously discussed, cattle are characterized past times WoDaaBe equally semi-wild, but given rather human characteristics dissimilar other animals (such equally names too personality). It seems thus to live highly symbolic too meaningful that the cord is placed inwards the globe adjacent to an item (the calf-rope) symbolizing the herd. It ties people, ground too cattle inwards a unopen unity. It could also live important that the concept sibiiru is used both over the umbilical cord too the navel, stressing the sibiiru equally non only a cord which tin live cutting away, equally the English linguistic communication term implies, but continues to live a component subdivision of a person.
Furthermore, whereas the nourishing cord places an association betwixt nascence too the land, cattle tin inwards a feel been seen equally re-materializing inwards the cord, existence essential for subsistence equally the cord itself, existence the medium that allows people to subsist inside this environment, transforming grasses into products that tin live consumed past times humans. The cattle too the cord both constitute nourishing ties betwixt humans too their surroundings. The term sibiiru tin thus been seen equally referring to a symbolic association of the womb too the ground where i originated, united inwards a nourishing cord, the cattle.
WoDaaBe thus regard their human relationship with cattle equally i of protection too reciprocity. As stated past times Riesman inwards his ethnography on the Jelgobe Fulani, cattle tin live seen equally mediators of bush too human settlement (Riesman 1977: 255). Cattle are crucial economical too symbolic components of their society, making the production inwards the Sahel environs possible equally good equally existence integrated into the reproduction of their social system. Cattle remove some of the similar characteristics equally people, having grapheme too personal names, but are at the same fourth dimension silent conceptualized equally less domesticated than other animals.
Mbororo woman
Ginnol too the Social Space
The ginnol is interesting inwards the context of the conceptualization of human - environs relations because it indicates a farther conceptualization of the bush equally a non-socialized space. The ginnol is in all probability known to most Fulani groups, the concept has been translated equally "devil" or "spirit." (CRDTO 1971). In the lexicon past times Osborn et al., the concepts ginnaary, jinni, or ginnawol are seen equally referring to spirits (Osborn et al 1993). Ginnol is characterized equally a creature of the bush, fearing the WoDaaBe dwelling theatre (wuro) too to a greater extent than often than non not coming unopen to it, only making its appearance known inwards the bush. The most frequent encounters of ginnol are the sights of its dismiss from a distance, which appears equally a distant camp. Usually this happens to someone traveling lone at nighttime mayhap with his herd. The dismiss disappears too so reappears inwards a different place, only to disappear in i trial again. Sometimes voices accompany this vision equally people get together exactly about the fire. Even though inwards most cases ginnol only exposes itself inwards the dark, it also happens to brand appearances inwards daylight, thus indicating the ladde (even though inside the surface area of attachment) equally a unsafe seat for someone alone. The ginnol hesitates to go inwards the wuro, which is an assembly of objects too relationships, fifty-fifty though non tied downwards to a specific seat inwards the area.
Ginnol sometimes kills people but to a greater extent than oft is said to homecoming people mad or to disfigure them inwards i way or another. Human beings are non able to regard the ginnol, but only what is called busaka or a mbelu, which is the reflection or a shadow of the ginnol. The ginnol is also a shape-shifter too tin remove the appearance of both humans too animals. It usually attacks only a single private too is thus considered unsafe to someone travelling alone, fifty-fifty though at that topographic point are cases it making itself known to 2 or 3 people. As pointed out past times Riesman inwards relation to the Jelgobe Fulani, the ginnol attacks people who are inwards province of vulnerability (Riesman 1997: 220). My involvement inwards the ginnol inwards this context is how it reflects an interesting dichotomy betwixt the wuro too the bush. The wuro is a moveable infinite of monastic say too security patch its surrounding areas tin live unsafe too unpredictable. The fact that the ginnol to a greater extent than often than non attacks someone lone re-emphasizes the importance of social networking too solidarity. In contexts of narratives of the ginnol, a binary opposition tin almost live drawn betwixt the wuro too the ladde; the one-time characterized past times solidarity but the latter past times isolation; the one-time security too regulations but the latter danger too chaos.
Mbororo boy
Cattle too Ginnol
Further information most WoDaaBe’s conceptualization of their human relationship with the bush is observed inwards the human relationship of ginnol too animals. I previously suggested that the WoDaaBe do non conceptualize their human relationship with their cows equally existence hierarchical equally much equally a symbiotic reciprocity, where humans remove aid of their cows too vice versa. WoDaaBe root myths emphasize that cows came to alive with humans past times their ain will, too they are seen equally e'er maintaining their independent character. The wuro involves the coexistence of humans too animals, too that the cows mediate betwixt the bush too the home.
Cows regard the ginnol, which is attached to the herd too often stays unopen to it. At night, some people are afraid to go inwards their cattle herd because the ginnol may live there. The ginnol volition non go inwards the cattle surface area if the cattle coral dismiss (duDal) is burning, because it fears fire, but waits until it eventually dies out. The human relationship of cows too ginnol is also expressed inwards some cows existence considered to remove hold ginnol. These are cows that do non remove hold an uniform rope, but a mixture of many colors, especially if the creature is an ox (budjeri) or bull (kalhaldi). WoDaaBe regard mixture of different elements equally inherently bad, expressed inwards that the mixing of different nutrient existence unsafe for people’s health, too a someone of mixed ancestry is considered to live to a greater extent than unsafe than i who is of "pure" ancestry. Cattle with ginnol are thus especially unsafe to people.
Another association betwixt ginnol, cows too people has to do with the moral behave of WoDaaBe, which requires the someone to part his or her resources with other WoDaaBe. It should live noted, however, that the next information depends on really few sources too I remove hold also heard the same story without the association with the ginnol. According to these informants, a someone who has a swell bargain of cows, too is non generous inwards giving or loaning them inwards habana'i may endure swell misfortune from the manus of the ginnol. When that happens, a unusual audio is all of a abrupt heard from the herd, similar someone is beating a drum or a calabash (tumBal). The herd becomes restless, but the beating continues too at that topographic point is no i to live seen.
Mbororo adult woman from Sudan
If the someone who owns the cows does non start straightaway to kill his ain cows, he volition certainly die. In monastic say to relieve his life, he should telephone call upwards people too inquire them to aid him. He should start killing his animals, past times slashing their human foot past times the sword inwards monastic say to live able to kill them to a greater extent than easily. Many cows remove hold to live killed (between x or xx according to i informant) too afterwards the meat is cooked too distributed. I was told that this was "work ginnol" because someone's cows are also numerous too he is non willing to part them with others. What is of special involvement hither is that the ginnol seems to serve equally a moral reminder of i fellow WoDaaBe against another, using the herd equally a mediator.
Mbororo adult woman with tattoo from Cameroon
source:"Birds of the Bush: Wodaabe Distinctions of Society too Nature" past times KRISTÍN LOFTSDÓTTIR, University of Iceland
Mbororo woam
Wodaabe from Chad
Wodaabe Girl carrying water. Baguirmienne (Baguirmi), Chad. ca. 1950 | Scanned postcard image
Wodaabe
Mbororo adult man too adult woman displace their cattle. The Mbororo tribe are nomadic herders related to the Fulani tribes of West Africa. They are non accepted inwards southern Sudan so they are moving northward through the country, unsure if they volition live accepted there.
COPYRIGHT:Panos Pictures /Felix Features
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Mbororo womwn from Sudan
Mbororo people at the Gerewol
Mbororo from DRC
Wodaabe, Chad
Mbororo girl,Nigeria
Mbororo kids dancing, Central African Republic
Wodaabe
Wodaabe women of Niger
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